(羊): 豐味烤羊排(茴香+咖啡+紅酒浸置後烤成的)

(海鮮): 烤鮭魚佐茴香醬, 茴香鮭魚烘蛋, 乾煎茴香白魚(鯛魚), 茴香番茄蝦仁烘蛋

An open response
On behalf of the Government of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan, I am writing in response to the “Open letter to Taiwan’s President” cosigned by 26 persons and published by the Taipei Times on May 21, 2009 (page 8). This government has conscientiously responded in detail to three earlier open letters published in the Taipei Times, signed by essentially the same group of persons, expressing concerns about Taiwan’s judicial system, human rights and democracy. The May 21 letter reveals, however, that the signatories continue to have misconceptions on these matters, which I would like to take this opportunity to clear up.

1. False accusations of unjust prosecutorial and judicial processes.  (檢察官與司法不公乃不實的指控)
 
Although, administratively, prosecutors in Taiwan are under the jurisdiction of the executive branch’s Ministry of Justice, they nevertheless in effect function as “judicial officials,” as they enjoy the same legally protected independence as judges under the jurisdiction of the judicial branch. 

(檢察官與法官係獨立運作)

With regard to charges of corruption against former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁), former first lady Wu Shu-jen (吳淑珍) and others were indicted as accomplices on Nov. 3, 2006, long before president Chen stepped down in May 2008. When president Chen was finally indicted on Dec. 12, 2008, it was the prosecutor-general appointed by the [former] president himself who approved the indictment.

I would like to reiterate that this administration strictly adheres to a hands-off policy concerning individual legal cases and completely respects the independence of the prosecutorial and judicial systems. This administration cannot possibly change its attitude of noninterference in order to mollify critics who seem to believe it has the power to change things to their liking.

(新聞局重申政府不介入各案併駁斥司法不公是不實指控)

2. No indication of selective prosecution.

To date, most of the family members and former subordinates of former president Chen who are under investigation or on trial have admitted their guilt to prosecutors or judges on all or some of the charges against them. For instance, on Jan. 21, 2009, his son Chen Chih-chung (陳致中) and daughter-in-law Huang Jui-ching (黃睿靚) confessed in court to charges in connection with money laundering and sought to plea bargain. Former first lady Wu Shu-jen also confessed to four charges in court on Feb. 10, 2009, including forgery, leaking confidential information, accepting bribes and money laundering. On Feb. 19, former Presidential Office cashier Chen Chen-hui (陳鎮慧) confessed in court to all four charges against her — forgery, perjury, corruption and money laundering.

While the appropriateness of the current pretrial and intra-trial detention system has been widely discussed in various circles of society since the allegations of corruption were brought against former president Chen, the impartiality of the judges and the judicial system has not been seriously questioned.

(雖然預防性偵查的系統自扁案以來被廣泛討論,法官與司法體系的公正性卻未是毫無疑問的(直譯:法官與司法體系的公正性從未被質疑....

謎之音:之前那幾封公開信難道是不存在的嗎? 那些信不都數次質疑司法公正性嗎? 好個裝聾作啞啊!)


3. No intervention in CNA editorial policy.

As for the open letter’s accusation of our government’s influence on the Central News Agency’s (CNA) direction of news reporting, I want to set the record straight: The ROC government has never intervened in the CNA’s news reporting or editorial policy. If one looks at recent CNA reports on government actions, one can tell that the news agency covers viewpoints of all sectors, including suspicions and criticisms. This demonstrates that the government has not intervened in CNA operations.

Using rumors to deprecate Taiwan’s freedom of the press as being manipulated through political intervention is baseless and damages the reputation of this government. I hope the signatories will more scrupulously check the validity of claims before making accusations. I also hope that they will stop spreading such false accusations.

(在此我(指蘇俊賓)必須指出政府從未介入中央社的運作以端正視聽............利用謠言來指控台灣媒體自由因政府介入而倒退是毫無根據的,並傷害這個政府的聲譽. 我希望各位署名者能夠在指控之前先確實映證這些謠言的可信度,並停止散播這種不實指控)

謎之音: 好大個官威啊! 不承認就算了還反過來說這些學者輕信謠言....也許有人要升官囉?

4. Retrogression of press freedom unacceptable.

The ROC government has spared no effort to respect and protect press freedom. Indeed, the thriving development of Taiwan’s mass media is a telling manifestation of our press freedom and freedom of speech. According to the 2009 edition of the Freedom of the Press report released by New York-based Freedom House, Taiwan’s news media environment ranked as “free” and second-best in Asia. The ROC government humbly accepts the suggestions made in the Freedom House report concerning Taiwan’s press freedom in the hope that we can achieve a better score next year.

根據2009自由之家的報告,台灣的新聞自由被評為"自由",且排名亞洲第二

謎之音: 簡單講是不承認媒體自由倒退啦! 好笑的是怎麼不提自由之家的報告中也提到台灣排名退步呢? 好的(評為自由)就引用,不好的就說是謠言? 這裡是自由之家發佈報告時的新聞

5. No interference in transfer of media ownership.

The open letter urges our government to pay attention to groups with close ties to mainland China that are buying into Taiwan’s media, as their financial muscle might be used to undermine Taiwan’s hard-won press freedom. I would like to express our government’s gratitude for the signatories’ concern in this regard. Since the repeal of the Publication Act in 1999, however, publication of newspapers no longer requires special approval, and shareholdings can be freely transferred. Moreover, governmental interference in private investments in the mass media amounts to interference in press freedom.

Currently, the ROC government has not lifted restrictions on mainland Chinese investment in or operation of Taiwan’s newspapers. In the future, we will keep close watch on whether capital from mainland China is flowing into Taiwan’s media world in order to preserve our national security.

第四封公開信裡提到中資介入台灣媒體運作將會妨害台灣得來不易的媒體自由. ........目前台灣政府尚未解除對中資介入台灣媒體的限制. 以後,我們也將緊密關切是否有中資介入台灣媒體的情形以保障國家安全

謎之音: 之前就有人踢爆TXXS等中資介入的情況, 好個裝聾作啞啊!

6. Easing of restrictions on public demonstrations.

Our government is profoundly aware that we are at a critical juncture in the development of our free and democratic system. To demonstrate our determination to enhance the protection of the right of assembly, and to carry out President Ma’s [Ying-jeou (馬英九)] campaign pledge to amend the law by requiring only advance notification in place of prior application for permission to hold demonstrations, amendments to the Parade and Assembly Act (集會遊行法) absolutely will not impose stricter requirements but will further ease the already mild restrictions.

In addition, the proposed amendments to the act will place tighter limits on the power of police to disperse gatherings as well as remove provisions regarding criminal penalties. President Ma has promised that the revised law will provide greater latitude than allowed in the United States and other advanced democracies.

Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to all who are concerned for Taiwan, including the signatories of the open letter. We assure you that this administration will never cease striving to safeguard and strengthen our people’s freedom, democracy and human rights.

政院版的集遊法將更嚴格限制警察權限,也將刪除刑責.

謎之音: 那到底濫權的警察或升官或不起訴是什麼意思呢? 莫非免除刑責是指免除警察濫權的刑責?

SU JUN-PIN

Minister

Government Information Office

-------

Thursday, Jul 09, 2009, Page 8

An open response, part 2

On behalf of the Government of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan, I am writing in response to the “Open letter to Taiwan’s president” cosigned by 26 persons and published by the Taipei Times on May 21 expressing concerns about transparency in our government’s cross-strait policymaking processes. I would like to take this opportunity to clear up a number of misunderstandings in this regard.

1. Affirmation of the ROC’s cross-strait policy

In its cross-strait policymaking, this administration has always firmly upheld the ROC’s sovereignty. It has never changed and never will change its insistence on the principle of “putting Taiwan first for the benefit of the people.”

In the overall national interest, we have resumed institutionalized cross-strait negotiations, replacing confrontation with dialogue. Under the precondition of parity and dignity, the two sides have conducted three rounds of talks and have signed nine agreements and a joint statement on investment, which have advanced the normalization of cross-strait economic exchanges and strengthened protections for the financial assets of the people of Taiwan.

Surveys commissioned by the Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) — such as those conducted by National Chengchi University, Berkeley Marketing Research and China Credit Information Service — reveal that the majority of people in Taiwan believe that cross-strait relations have become more relaxed. About 70 percent of respondents were satisfied with the cross-strait agreements and more than 60 percent believe the agreements will have a positive influence on Taiwan’s economy. Meanwhile, most respondents think that national sovereignty has not been denigrated.

The US State Department has solidly affirmed and praised our government’s mainland policies. Signatories of the open letter familiar with the US government’s hopes for better cross-strait relations should understand the reason for this. Can it be that worsening relations and rising tensions across the Taiwan Strait would be more advantageous to US interests?

2. No need for an ECFA referendum

The primary purposes of an economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA) are to maintain the competitive edge of Taiwan’s industries in the mainland market and to strengthen our foreign trade momentum so as to minimize the danger of being marginalized. A MAC-commissioned survey conducted by Berkeley Marketing Research in mid-April revealed that 70 percent of the respondents support the negotiation of an ECFA, indicating most people look at the potential benefits of such an agreement in a positive light.

With no question of sacrificing sovereignty, benefits for Taiwan’s economy include reducing the relocation of factories to other countries and thereby protecting jobs; lowering tariffs on our products and thereby boosting their competitiveness in the mainland market; spurring Taiwan’s globalization; and facilitating the negotiation and signing of economic agreements with other countries.

3. Any ECFA will be sent to the legislature for review

This administration has communicated extensively with the public in the hope that an ECFA can be signed before 2010. In the process of planning, the administration will be scrupulous in communicating with and explaining relevant matters to the legislature and all sectors of society. Whatever economic agreements are signed with mainland China will be sent to the legislature, in accordance with the law, for review and supervision. The same applies to any future cross-strait economic agreements.

It is clearly untrue, therefore, that, as claimed in the letter, cross-strait exchanges lack transparency and genuine dialogue, decisions and agreements are arrived at in secrecy and then simply announced to the public, and the legislature seems to have been sidelined.

4. Signing an ECFA will facilitate FTAs

The US government has indicated that without improved cross-strait relations and trade liberalization, the US cannot sign a free-trade agreement (FTA) with Taiwan. In fact, since President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) came into office, the peaceful, steady development of cross-strait relations has won the affirmation of our major trading partners, such as the US, the EU, Singapore, Japan, Australia and New Zealand. Many countries have indicated that the normalization of economic and trade relations across the Taiwan Strait will be conducive to expediting FTA talks with Taiwan.

The administration’s policy has always been to pursue FTAs with our major trading partners, while negotiating economic agreements with mainland China. This strategy is aimed at global deployment of our businesses, not just at expanding our mainland Chinese markets. As relations with mainland China progress, we can look forward to improved prospects for signing FTAs with other nations.

Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to all who are concerned for Taiwan, including the signatories of the open letter. We assure you that this administration will continue to maintain transparency and adequate communication with all sectors of society.

SU JUN-PIN

Minister, Government Information Office

這是繼之前的茴香大餐一之茴香烤雞冷麵沙拉後另一茴香大餐. 這次主食是飯, 所以把它叫做茴香烘鮭魚蒸飯涼拌小菜. 

照例先來張全景.

先說飯吧! 這是茴香海帶芽蒸飯下鍋前的樣子. 我完全用糙米飯, 原因之一嘛….白米用完了, 買的20磅紅國寶我自己打不開,只好等DG這週來幫我開. 冏. 原因之二是海帶芽要先泡30分鐘,既然要泡了我用糙米也是要泡的剛剛好咩. (自我找藉口中...)

很有趣的是蒸起來的時候海帶芽和茴香竟然是圍一圈.

再來是茴香鮭魚烘蛋,算是主菜的部份. 因為現在的平底鍋太大, 一來我翻不動,而來除非要煮一大鍋不然東西看來都小小的, 所以這其實是用湯鍋烘出來的. 吃的時候我加了一點番茄醬. 要是今年蕃茄又盛產我又可以自己做番茄醬了! 也加了一點青豆仁..(打蛋打的不夠久所以還有氣孔...)

然後是兩個涼拌小菜. 第一是涼拌茴香佛手瓜花枝. 這個試用茴香醋,辣麻油來涼拌, 最後灑上一點新鮮茴香葉. 佛手瓜很脆很適合涼拌,我還加上一些青豆仁,當然也是菜園裡自產自銷的.

第二是涼拌茴香黑白絲. 這個和我平常常煮的方法很接近,只是用茴香來取代九層塔. 薑蒜茴香切末,和醬油糖與辣椒快炒至熟後將白木耳和香菇絲(這次我沒用黑木耳)快炒入味. 最後灑上另一半切好的茴香葉裝飾用. 這兩者都是冰涼後當開胃小菜食用.

最後的飯後甜點當然也要要使用到茴香囉. 這是茴香綠茶凍配上紅豆泥. 這個只是用茴香來裝飾, 基本上完全是綠茶凍.茶凍煮好後才把茴香放上去裝飾用, 其實我很想要不止是鋪在表面, 但是放的時間抓不準, 必須在快結凍又未結凍的時候放....所以就算囉!

這個吃起來風味非常特殊爽口.紅豆泥的甜味把茴香的辛味完全綜合掉只剩下香味,而茴香的特殊氣味把紅豆泥的甜味綜合了,吃起來有紅豆泥的濃稠又有茶凍的涼爽加上茴香入口的香味,很清爽卻不甜膩.

這篇來分享一些茴香的創意用法以及靈感來源.  所謂創意用法是我自己定義的, 不是拿來當食材用是也.

第一個是之前提到過的燻茴香. 靈感來自燒艾草. 艾草有殺菌消毒作用, 拿艾草來燒就是藉由空氣將整個艾草的作用瀰漫整個室內.  茴香雖然沒有消毒殺菌作用,不過我想它既然氣味濃厚在菜園裡被我當作天然有機防菜蟲用, 那麼也許對防蚊蟲有作用吧? 所以就拿來當有機防蚊液囉!

第二個是茴香浴. 這個靈感來自藥草浴. 茴香有安眠鎮靜的作用, 所以我就把它拿來泡澡囉! 這個其實是昨晚沒睡好想到應該來喝點茴香茶催眠,然後又想到泡澡可以幫助睡眠, 縱合起來的茴香藥草浴...

左邊有很淡的墨綠色就是茴香水啦, 等它和其他完全混合後躺在浴室用的枕頭上輕鬆一下.不知道今晚會不會比較好睡呢?

第三個想嘗試的也跟茴香的鎮靜安眠作用有關. 不過手邊還沒有材料無法實際實驗. 大抵我想把它拿來作茴香枕, 就像是茶葉枕一樣有股清香, 如果有材料蠻想做個茴香枕或是做個茴香香包!

再來是利用茴香的濃厚氣味當作除臭劑. 茴香要切碎才會有味道, 切碎後放在垃圾桶最下層當除臭劑, 就和咖啡渣或是茶渣當除臭劑一樣.

雖然沒有辦法自己提煉茴香精油, 我還是想出了很多用法, 是不是很有想像力呢?

[配方] 茶樹根、凌霄花根、小茴香各15克，老母雞1只(去毛及內臟)，黃酒、米酒、紅糖、食鹽備適量。
[製法] 於月經來時，將茶樹根和凌霄花根切碎，置容器中，加入黃酒適量，密封，隔水同燉2-3小時，待冷，去渣，加入紅糖和服；於月經盡後第2天，將小茴香與老母雞同燉爛，加少許米酒和食鹽服用。
[功用] 健脾補腎、溫經散寒、調經助孕。
[主治] 痛經、不孕症等。
[用法] 口服。每月五劑，連服3月。
[陽記] 引自《民間百病良方》。驗之臨床多效