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    February 27

    [轉載] 美國國務院對台灣的人權報告 2008 Human Rights Report: Taiwan

    相關中文新聞:  美國國務院評台灣人權
     

    相關英文報導: US cites continued rights abuses in Taiwan, CONCERNS: A State Department report said that foreign spouses were targets of discrimination and that arranging marriages tended to treat women as property 
     

    之前轉載的如IFJ譴責政府干預媒體自由,陳雲林來台期間引起的風波,還有扁案有政治力的介入引發國際學者與媒體多次報導,還有野草莓運動都有所提及. 蠻全面的報導.
     
    最近忙,沒空翻譯, 只轉載原文如下.
     
    以下原文
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    2008 Human Rights Reports: Taiwan

    Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
    February 25, 2009


    Taiwan's population of 23 million is governed by a president and parliament chosen in multiparty elections. Legislative elections in January and presidential elections on March 22 were free and fair. The election of President Ma Ying-jeou, of the Kuomintang Party (KMT), marked the country's second peaceful, democratic transfer of power. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.

    Taiwan generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, the following problems continued to be reported: corruption by officials, violence and discrimination against women, trafficking in persons, and abuses of foreign workers.

    RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

    Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:

     a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

    There were no reports that the authorities committed arbitrary or unlawful killings.

     b. Disappearance

    There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.

    c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

    The constitution stipulates that no violence, threat, inducement, fraud, or other improper means should be used against accused persons, and there were no reports that the authorities employed them.

     Prison and Detention Center Conditions

    Prison conditions generally met international standards, and the authorities permitted visits by independent human rights observers. As of July prisons operated at 110 percent of design capacity.

     d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

    The constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention, and the authorities generally observed these prohibitions.

     Role of the Police and Security Apparatus

    The National Police Administration (NPA) of the Ministry of Interior (MOI) has administrative jurisdiction over all police units, although city mayors and county magistrates appoint city and county police commissioners. Mayors and magistrates are responsible for maintaining order and assessing the performance of police commissioners within their jurisdiction.

    Police corruption, while limited, was a problem. The NPA did not keep statistics on police corruption cases. In March the authorities arrested and held in custody senior officers of several Taipei County police precincts for taking bribes from operators of illegal gambling establishments. In October the authorities indicted 42 suspects in the case, including a former Yunho City police commissioner and five other police officers. The prosecutor requested a 15-year jail term for the former police commissioner.

    Prosecutors and the Control Yuan are responsible for investigating allegations of police malfeasance. The NPA also has an inspector general and an internal affairs division that investigated allegations of police misconduct. Police officers and senior officials suspected of corruption were prosecuted and punished upon conviction.

     Arrest and Detention

    Warrants or summons are required by law except when there is ample reason to believe the suspect may flee, or in urgent circumstances. Indicted persons may be released on bail at judicial discretion. By law, prosecutors must apply to the courts within 24 hours after arrest for permission to continue detaining an arrestee. The authorities generally observed these procedures, and trials usually took place within three months of indictment. According to the Code of Criminal Procedure, prosecutors can apply to a court for approval of a "pretrial" detention of an unindicted suspect for a maximum of two months with one possible two-month extension. Pretrial detention can be requested in cases where the potential sentence is five years or more or there is a reasonable concern that the suspect could flee or collude with other suspects or witnesses or tamper or destroy material evidence. Opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) officials and supporters alleged political interference in the investigation, detention, and prosecution of former president Chen Shui-bian and other current and former DPP officials.

    Human rights advocates complained that the law did not provide adequate protection since there is no requirement that suspects have legal representation during questioning. In September 2007 the Judicial Yuan (JY) and the NPA initiated a one-year pilot program (since extended to a second year) to provide legal counsel during initial police questioning to qualifying indigent suspects who are mentally handicapped or charged with a crime punishable by three or more years in prison. Lawyers recruited by the Legal Aid Foundation (LAF) were posted to police stations in 23 cities and counties. Police and prosecutors were required to provide written notice of the service to qualifying defendants. On December 29, the LAF announced that in addition to its existing 20 branches, which serviced all 23 cities and counties around the island, 50 police sub-bureaus, one-third of the island's 158 sub-bureaus, have begun implementing the pilot program. Human rights lawyers contended that while courts are required to appoint counsel after an indictment is filed, the existing Criminal Procedure Code does not specify what lawyers can do to protect the rights of indigent criminal suspects during initial police questioning. The pilot program has enjoyed some success, but some groups argued that police need more on-the-job training, police facilities should be improved to accommodate lawyers in their initial questioning of suspects, and authorities should allocate more funding to provide financial incentives for lawyers to engage in the program.

     e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

    The constitution provides for an independent judiciary, and the authorities generally respected judicial independence. However, although the authorities made efforts to eliminate corruption and to diminish political influence in the judiciary, residual problems remained. During the year many political leaders publicly questioned the impartiality of judges and prosecutors involved in several high-profile and politically sensitive cases.

    The JY is one of the five coequal branches of the political system and includes the 15-member Council of Grand Justices (CGJ), which interprets the constitution as well as laws and ordinances. Subordinate JY organs include the Supreme Court, high courts, district courts, administrative courts, and the Committee on the Discipline of Public Functionaries.

    Active-duty military personnel are subject to the military justice system, which provides the same protections as the civil criminal courts. However, critics contended that there was insufficient separation between military prosecutors and judges, who were usually officers in the same unit and under the same command, to properly safeguard a defendant's interests.

     Trial Procedures

    The constitution establishes the right to a fair trial, and an independent judiciary generally enforced this right. Judges, rather than juries, decided cases; all judges were appointed by and responsible to the JY. A single judge, rather than a defense attorney or prosecutor, typically interrogated parties and witnesses. Trials are public, although court permission may be required to attend trials involving juveniles or potentially sensitive issues that might attract crowds. A defendant's access to evidence held by the prosecution is determined by the presiding judge on a case-by-case basis. All defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty and have the right to an attorney, and criminal procedure rights are extended to all persons without limitation.

    The law states that a suspect may not be compelled to testify and that a confession shall not be the sole evidence used to find a defendant guilty. All convicted persons have the right to appeal to the next higher court level. Persons sentenced to terms of imprisonment of three years or more may appeal beyond that level. The Supreme Court automatically reviews life imprisonment and death sentences. It is unconstitutional to allow the confessions of accomplices to be used as the only evidence to convict a defendant.

    In November 2007 the Supreme Court reversed the death sentence handed down by a high court in the so-called Hsichih Trio case, which was originally tried before the law disallowed confession as the sole evidence used to determine a guilty verdict. At year's end the case remained pending. The Hsichih Trio was released from custody in 2003.

     Political Prisoners and Detainees

    There were no reports of political prisoners or detainees.

    Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies

    There is an independent and impartial judiciary for civil matters. Administrative remedies are available in addition to judicial remedies for alleged wrongs, including human rights violations.

     f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or    Correspondence

    The constitution prohibits such actions, and the authorities generally respected these prohibitions in practice.

    Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

     a. Freedom of Speech and Press

    The constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press, and the authorities generally respected these rights in practice.

    There was a vigorous and active free press. Critics alleged that dependency upon advertising revenue and loans from government-controlled banks deterred a few media outlets from criticizing the authorities. The authorities denied using loans or advertising revenue to manipulate the media. President Ma, shortly after he took office in May, announced that the authorities should not attempt to influence the political process through the media, that the budget for official advertising should be evenly distributed among media outlets and both political parties, and that the military should not get involved in media operations.

    In July the authorities extended the maximum stay of People's Republic of China (PRC) journalists from 30 days to three months. The authorities also decided to allow up to five PRC regional news outlets to station journalists on the island, in addition to the five PRC national outlets already allowed. On November 13, the Mainland Affairs Council announced that it had approved the applications of the Fujian Daily and Southeast Television to station journalists on the island. They would join five nation-wide PRC media outlets.

    Hong Kong-based Phoenix Satellite Television expressed frustration over the denial of its request to broadcast in Taiwan. The Taiwan authorities treated Phoenix TV as a mainland Chinese media outlet and refused to grant landing rights. Phoenix maintained it is a Hong Kong broadcaster and that the Propaganda Department of the Chinese Communist Party classified it as a "foreign broadcaster," limiting its landing rights to "three-star hotels and above," compounds with foreign residents, and the offices and residences of PRC officials charged with dealing with the outside world. The Government Information Office (GIO) stated in July that the issue of landing rights for Taiwan cable television channels in China and Chinese broadcasters (including Phoenix TV) in Taiwan should be negotiated through future cross-Strait talks.

    In an October 9 media release, the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) condemned alleged government interference in Taiwan media, saying the GIO had demanded that the state-owned Central News Agency alter reports on the contaminated milk powder scandal and withdraw a report criticizing President Ma. The IFJ pointed to the September 30 resignation of the chairman and several directors of the government-funded Radio Taiwan International (RTI) to protest GIO pressure on RTI to change its editorial focus and refrain from broadcasting news too critical of mainland China. The GIO denied the IFJ's accusations. In December the IFJ and Reporters Without Borders also criticized resolutions approved by the Educational and Cultural Affairs Committee and the Interior Affairs Committee in the Legislative Yuan (LY), which called for GIO's approval of content broadcast by the Taiwan Public Television Service.

    Opposition groups and student demonstrators complained that police violated their right to free expression during protests against the visit of PRC Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) Chairman Chen Yunlin (see section 2.b.).

     Internet Freedom

    There were no official restrictions on access to the Internet, and individuals and groups could engage in peaceful expression of views via the Internet, including by e-mail. GIO regulations require domestic Web site operators to label their Web site material, making it easier to detect and block access to adult-only material by persons under age 18. The GIO authorized the Taiwan Internet Content Rating Promotion Foundation, a joint GIO/Internet industry/nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) enterprise, to provide free filtering software to parents. The GIO did not block access to restricted Web sites.
     
    Several NGOs reported that law enforcement officials monitored Internet chat rooms and bulletin boards and used Internet addresses to identify and prosecute adults responsible for posting sexually suggestive messages. Critics alleged the Child and Youth Sexual Transaction Prevention Act (CYSTPA), which is intended to protect children from sexual predators, is being used to punish constitutionally protected free speech between consenting adults. In response to a request by persons opposed to this use of the CYSTPA, the CGJ looked at the issue and ruled in favor of the law enforcement officials' actions, noting that the constitutional guarantee to free speech is not absolute and may be subject to reasonable restrictions intended to preserve a significant public interest -in this case, "to deter and eliminate cases where children or juveniles become objects of sexual transaction."

     Academic Freedom and Cultural Events

    On June 20, the CGJ ruled that the prohibition on the establishment of political parties or associations that advocate "communism" or "division of the national territory," otherwise known as "Taiwan independence," was unconstitutional. There were no restrictions on academic freedom or cultural events.

     b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

    Freedom of Assembly

    Opposition-party legislators and human rights NGOs claimed that the Assembly and Parade Law unconstitutionally restricts free speech and assembly, and called for it to be amended or abolished. The "Wild Strawberry" student movement staged month long demonstrations and the Taiwan Association for Human Rights and more than a dozen other civic groups formed an alliance to advocate for amending the law. Their goals included removing restrictions on street protest demonstrations and eliminating the requirement to apply to police for permission to hold a demonstration. At year's end the LY had not voted on a proposed amendment.

    In August 2007 the authorities charged 16 persons who participated in anticorruption protests in 2006 with failure to obtain a protest permit and failure to comply with a police order to disperse. At year's end the case was still pending. According to human rights NGOs and media reports, other protesters were also charged with violating the law. If convicted, violators most often were given terms of two to three months that, at judges' discretion, usually were converted to fines.

    Opposition supporters accused police of using excessive force at a November 6 rally that turned violent when protesters clashed with riot police near a Taipei hotel where PRC ARATS Chairman Chen Yunlin was staying. According to government figures, 170 police officers, 23 civilians, and eight journalists were injured in the violence, including a reporter with Formosa Television, who suffered nose and eye injuries after being struck by a policeman. The journalist filed a lawsuit to seek compensation, and the interior minister apologized for the incident.

    According to the Association of Taiwan Journalists, the NPA sought to coerce journalists who covered the November 6 rally to turn in photographs and video clips to help police identify individuals who instigated violence. A November 19 IFJ media release urged the police to stop pressuring media for information on the protest. On November 20, the international human rights NGO Freedom House urged the government to create an independent commission to investigate the clashes and recommend necessary reforms.

    Freedom of Association

    Bringing the law in line with practice, on June 20 the CGJ removed the prohibition in the Civic Organization Act on the establishment of political parties or associations that advocate "communism" and "division of the national territory." On August 12, the MOI accepted the registration of the Taiwanese Communist Party as the 141st political party in Taiwan.

    Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: the Right of Citizens to Change Their Government

    The constitution provides citizens the right to elect and change their political leaders peacefully, and this right was exercised in practice through periodic, free, and fair elections held on the basis of universal suffrage.

     Elections and Political Participation

    In January the KMT won a significant majority in the Legislative Yuan following the implementation of a new single-member district electoral system. Two months later, the KMT presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou won the presidency, marking the second peaceful, democratic transfer of power in Taiwan's history. Observers regarded the elections as free and fair.

    Political parties operated without restriction or outside interference.

    There were 34 women in the 113-member LY. Eleven of the 48 Executive Yuan (cabinet) members were women. The mayor of Kaohsiung, Taiwan's second largest city, was a woman. Two of the 15 grand justices were women. At least half of the at-large seats won by a political party were required to be filled by women.

    Representatives of the indigenous population participated in most levels of the political system. They held six reserved seats in the LY, half of which were elected by plains tribes and half by mountain tribes. Indigenous peoples accounted for about 2 percent of the population; their allocation of legislative seats was more than double their proportion of the population.

     Government Corruption and Transparency

    The law provides criminal penalties for official corruption and the authorities generally implemented these laws effectively. There were allegations of official corruption during the year. Allegations of vote buying continued, although all political parties were publicly committed to ending the practice.

    In June the authorities passed ethics rules aimed at 400,000 public servants and their families. The measures, which took effect August 1, stipulated that public servants may not receive gifts valued at NT$3,330 (approximately $100) or higher or any gifts with a total value of NT$10,659 ($323) or above from a single person in a year when the giver was deemed an "interested person."

    In addition, all public servants are subject to the Public Servants' Property Declaration Law. The Ministry of Justice (MOJ) is in charge of combating official corruption.

    In January eight former and incumbent legislators from across the party spectrum were indicted on charges of accepting bribes from the National Chinese Herbal Apothecary Association.

    On December 4, the Taipei District Court sentenced former MOJ Investigation Bureau (MJIB) Director Yeh Sheng-mao to 10 years in prison for offenses including withholding classified information delivered to the MJIB related to possible money laundering activities involving then president Chen Shui-bian's family members. Under Taiwan's court system, Yeh is eligible to appeal his conviction two times.

    Chen, his wife Wu Shu-jen, and others, including some officials of the former DPP administration, were either indicted or under investigation for various alleged acts of corruption. Wu was indicted in four major corruption and money laundering cases, while former president Chen was indicted in three of the same cases. Some observers, including Chen's supporters, asserted the charges were politically motivated. However, the government and other observers maintained they saw no indication of political interference by the administration in the investigation and prosecution of the cases against Chen and his family. Various international and local organizations, academics, and DPP politicians, raised concerns about some developments, including Chen's pretrial detention, the transfer of Chen's cases from one judge to another, and leaks to the media of information from confidential investigations.

    By September prosecutors had indicted 849 persons on various corruption charges. Of those accused, 138 were high-ranking officials, 278 were mid-level, and 272 were low-level.

    The Access to Government Information Law stipulates that all government information be made available to the public upon request, except national secrets, professional secrets, personal information, and protected intellectual property. The law provides that citizens, companies, and groups registered in Taiwan can submit information requests and can appeal denied requests. These privileges are extended on a reciprocal basis to citizens of foreign countries.

    Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights

    A wide variety of domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without restriction by the authorities. Officials often were cooperative and responsive to their views.

    Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons

    The constitution provides for equality of citizens before the law irrespective of sex, religion, race, class, or party affiliation. It also provides for the rights of persons with disabilities. The authorities enforced these provisions.

     Women

    Violence against women, including rape and domestic violence remained a serious problem. Rape, including spousal rape, is a crime. Because victims were socially stigmatized, many did not report the crime, and the MOI estimated that the total number of sexual assaults was 10 times the number reported to the police.

    The law provides protection for rape victims. Mentally handicapped victims and those under 16 years of age are allowed to testify via a two-way television system. Rape trials are not open to the public unless the victim consents. The law requires doctors, social workers, police, and prosecutors to jointly question victims of sexual abuse whenever possible to reduce the number of times a victim is questioned. The law permits a charge of rape without requiring the victim to press charges.

    The law establishes the punishment for rape as not less than five years' imprisonment, and those convicted usually were given prison sentences of five to 10 years. According to the MOI, 4,309 reports of rape or sexual assault were filed through June. Prosecutors tried 1,088 cases and convicted 1,089 individuals as of July. According to the MOJ, the average conviction rate over the past few years was approximately 43 percent.

    The law allows prosecutors to take the initiative in investigating complaints of domestic violence without waiting for a spouse to file a formal lawsuit. As of September a total of 40,974 cases of domestic violence had been reported. As of October a total of 2,046 persons had been prosecuted for domestic violence, and 1,730 persons had been convicted. As of October 9,638 protection orders had been issued to domestic violence victims. Typically persons convicted in domestic violence cases were sentenced to less than six months in prison. Strong social pressure not to disgrace their families discouraged abused women from reporting incidents to the police.

    The law requires all cities and counties to establish violence prevention and control centers to address domestic and sexual violence, child abuse, and elder abuse. These centers provided victims with protection, medical treatment, emergency assistance, shelter, legal counseling, and education and training on a 24 hour basis. Prostitution is illegal; however, prostitution, including child prostitution, was a problem. Currently, the Social Order Maintenance Act mandates punitive measures only for prostitutes; those patronizing prostitutes are not subject to penalties unless a minor is involved. Trafficking in women remained a problem.

    Sexual harassment is a crime, punishable by fines of from NT$100,000 to NT$1 million (approximately $3,000 to $30,000) and imprisonment for up to two years. All public employers and larger private employers were required to enact preventive measures and establish complaint procedures to deter sexual harassment. Hot lines were established in several major cities from 2006, but reporting levels were well below expectations. Women's groups criticized the implementation of the law as ineffective, attributing low reporting rates to inadequate publicity.

    The law prohibits sex discrimination and stipulates that measures be taken to eliminate sexual harassment in the workplace. The Gender Equality in Employment Act (GEEA) provides for equal treatment with regard to salaries, promotions, and assignments. The GEEA entitles women to request up to two years of unpaid maternity leave and forbids termination because of pregnancy or marriage.

    Women's advocates noted that women continued to be promoted less frequently, occupied fewer management positions, and worked for lower pay than their male counterparts. Women made up 49 percent of the total workforce and more than 50 percent of the service industry workforce. According to the Council for Labor Affairs (CLA), salaries for women averaged 85 percent of those for men performing comparable jobs.

     Children

    The authorities were committed to the rights and welfare of children, and the law included provisions to protect them.

    Child abuse continued to be a widespread problem. As of June, 8,200 cases were reported, including cases of physical, mental, or sexual abuse or harm due to guardian neglect. Approximately 90 percent of abusers were parents, relatives, or caregivers. Hospitals, schools, social welfare organizations, or the police reported 60 percent of all cases, with 40 percent of reports coming from family members or the public. Fifty percent of all cases were reported through the child abuse hot line.

    A reliable NGO reported sexual abuse was more prevalent than the public realized, with the estimated number of victims reaching approximately 20,000 per year while only approximately 3,000 were reported. Central and local authorities, as well as private organizations, continued efforts to identify and assist high-risk children and families and to increase public awareness of child abuse and domestic violence.

    By law, persons discovering cases of child abuse or neglect must notify the police or welfare authorities. Child welfare specialists must notify the local authorities within 24 hours, and authorities must take appropriate measures within 24 hours. Regulations encourage officials to respond to investigation requests within four days. The MOI Children's Bureau and NGO specialists monitored cases to ensure that requirements were met. An official hot line accepted complaints of child abuse and offered counseling. Courts were authorized to appoint guardians for children whose parents were deemed unfit.

    Solicitors of prostitutes under the age of 14 faced sentences of three to 10 years in prison. Those who patronized prostitutes between the ages of 14 to 16 were sentenced to three to seven years. Solicitors of prostitutes older than 16 but younger than 18 faced up to one year in prison or hard labor, or a fine up to NT$3 million (approximately $100,000). According to the MOI Children's Bureau and local NGOs, 1,000 children per year were rescued from prostitution and placed in shelters. The Children's Bureau reported a significant increase in the number of boys exploited as prostitutes.

    Advertisements related to prostitution were prohibited, and the law was enforced in practice. Citizens arrested abroad for having sex with minors were also indicted and convicted for patronizing underage prostitutes in foreign countries.

    As of October, 744 persons were indicted and 775 persons were convicted of violating the CYSTPA, which criminalizes child prostitution and the possession and distribution of child pornography. The law requires publication of violators' names in newspapers.

     Trafficking in Persons

    Trafficking in persons continued to be a problem. Effective August 1, amendments to immigration laws provide victim protections and prevention measures. There is no comprehensive trafficking law, although most forms of trafficking are criminalized through a number of statutes.

    The MOI, the MOJ, the National Immigration Agency (NIA), the CLA, the NPA, and several other agencies are responsible for combating trafficking. A senior-level prosecutor unit supervises district court handling of trafficking cases and there are antitrafficking task forces within the NIA, the NPA, the Coast Guard, and the 21 district court offices.

    Taiwan is primarily a destination for Southeast Asian and PRC nationals trafficked into forced labor or sexual exploitation. There were reports of women being trafficked from Taiwan for sexual exploitation purposes to Canada, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States, and other countries.

    Taiwan authorities reported that traffickers continued to use fraudulent marriages as a method for human trafficking, in part because penalties for "husbands" were lenient. Some women smuggled to Taiwan to seek illegal work were subsequently forced to work in the commercial sex industry. NGOs reported a sharp increase in the number of boys rescued from prostitution, mainly discovered during police investigations of online social networking sites suspected of being front operations for prostitution rings. Labor trafficking remained a serious problem (see section 6.e.).

    As of November, the MOJ reported authorities had indicted 530 individuals for trafficking offenses. Of those indicted 266 were convicted for a conviction rate of 60 percent. Approximately 80 percent of the 178 cases closed were sexual exploitation, while forced labor accounted for the remaining 20 percent. In October, police, in collaboration with prosecutors and the Criminal Investigation Bureau, conducted raids on the offices of a large labor brokerage group, resulting in the arrest of 34 suspects on charges of fraud, money laundering, and forced labor. Press reports indicated approximately 9,000 workers recruited by the brokerage group allegedly were forced to work long hours, turn over bank cards so that the brokerages could withdraw large sums from their monthly salaries, and sign repayment agreements for nonexistent loans. The majority of the victims were recruited from Indonesia, with others coming from Vietnam and Thailand.

    Incidents of public employees or officials implicated in trafficking were rare, but they did occur. There were instances of local authorities accepting bribes and sexual services in return for ignoring illegal sex- and labor-trafficking activities.

    There are island-wide guidelines for identifying and treating trafficking victims. The authorities conducted exercises to train police, immigration officials, and other law enforcement personnel in identifying victims. However, immigration officers, police, prosecutors and other law enforcement personnel did not consistently follow victim identification procedures. NGOs reported concerns that an increase in the number of raids and arrests had not resulted in increased convictions. They further noted that, when foreigners were identified as victims of trafficking or as witnesses, authorities coerced cooperation on prosecutions and often kept them in detention centers or required them to remain on Taiwan until their appearance in court was no longer needed, a year on average. Compounding the problem was the lack of an established process to implement new provisions of the Immigration Act that allow trafficking victims to obtain temporary visit and work permits. NGOs added that significant numbers of trafficking victims continued to be punished with community service and fines for violating immigration, foreign labor, or prostitution laws.

    In 2007 the Executive Yuan issued a three-year antitrafficking action plan (2008-10) which addresses victim protections, trafficking prevention measures, such as a new public awareness campaign launched in December, and measures aimed at increasing prosecutions of traffickers on the island.

    The State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons Report can be found at www.state.gov/g/tip.

     Persons with Disabilities

    The law prohibits discrimination against persons with disabilities and sets minimum fines for violations.

    The law stipulates that the authorities must provide services and programs to the disabled population. Free universal medical care was provided to persons with disabilities. NGOs continued to note that more public nursing homes were needed and that current programs, such as home care services, needed to be expanded to meet the growing needs of those with disabilities, including the growing numbers of elderly persons.

    The law requires all private enterprises with more than 100 employees to hire at least one person with disabilities per 100 workers. By law, effective July 2009 for all public entities (including offices, schools, and enterprises) with 34 or more employees, employees with disabilities must make up at least 3 percent of the total workforce. For each unmet quota position, both public and private organizations are required to pay into the Disabled Welfare Fund an amount equal to one basic monthly salary NT$17,280 (approximately $535).

    By law, new public buildings, facilities, and transportation equipment must be accessible to persons with disabilities, and this requirement was generally met. Violations resulted in fines of from NT$60,000 to NT$300,000 (approximately $1,900 to $9,300).

     National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

    During 2007, 18 percent of all marriages were to foreign-born spouses, primarily from China, Vietnam, Indonesia, and Thailand, and an estimated 10 percent of all births were to foreign-born mothers.

    Foreign spouses were targets of discrimination both inside and outside the home. Most marriages to foreign citizen spouses were arranged by brokers, whose local advertisements frequently were degrading to women. For fees ranging from NT$250,000 to NT$400,000 (approximately $7,800 to $12,400), brokers typically flew clients to other Southeast Asian countries, where they could choose from a group of eligible women recruited by the broker. The marriage and necessary paperwork were usually completed within a week. Several reports suggested that this commercialized process likened foreign spouses to property and contributed to their mistreatment. An MOI report concluded that social and economic marginalization contributed to an abnormally high rate of domestic violence in marriages to foreign spouses.

    The amended immigration law bars all discrimination against foreign-born spouses and foreign migrant workers on the basis of nationality, race, skin color, social rank, or place of birth. Those convicted of violating these provisions can face fines of up to NT$30,000 (approximately $930). The law permits a foreign-born spouse to apply for a restraining order if he or she has been the victim of domestic violence. A foreign-born spouse may now remain in Taiwan as long as necessary to complete divorce proceedings and to settle child-custody questions. After a divorce, a foreign-born spouse may remain in Taiwan to care for minor children less than 20 years of age. The amendment also banned for-profit cross-border marriage agencies, extended assembly and parade rights to immigrants, and liberalized financial proof requirements for foreign spouses seeking naturalization.

    The authorities offered free Chinese-language and child-raising classes and counseling services at community outreach centers to assist foreign-born spouses integrate into society. The Legal Aid Foundation provided legal services to foreign spouses and operated a hot line to receive complaints. The MOI also operated its own hot line with staff conversant in Vietnamese, Cambodian, Thai, Indonesian, English, and Chinese. By the end of October, the service had received 8,528 calls from non-Chinese speakers, a significant increase from 2007.

    PRC-born spouses must wait eight years to apply for Taiwan residency, whereas non-PRC spouses can apply after only three years. While non-PRC foreign spouses are permitted to work in Taiwan immediately upon arrival, PRC spouses must wait four years to obtain the right to work, barring special economic circumstances. Upon entering Taiwan for the first time, a spouse from the PRC must present a certified clean bill of health. After four years of residency, a PRC spouse can apply for a long-stay visa. After two more years of residency, this individual can apply for citizenship.

     Indigenous People

    There are 13 identified non-Chinese groups of indigenous people; they accounted for approximately 2 percent of the population. The law protects the civil and political rights of these indigenous people. The Indigenous Peoples Basic Act stipulates that the authorities should provide resources to help indigenous people develop a system of self-governance, formulate policies to protect their basic rights, and promote the preservation and development of their language and culture. The cabinet-level Council of Indigenous Peoples worked with other ministries to raise living standards in aboriginal regions through basic infrastructure projects. The council also provided emergency funds and college scholarships to the indigenous population.

     Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination

    There were no laws prohibiting homosexual activities. According to homosexual rights activists, antihomosexual violence was rare, but societal discrimination against homosexuals and persons with HIV and AIDS was a problem.
     
    Homosexual rights activists said instances of police pressure to close gay- and lesbian-friendly bars and bookstores decreased. Homosexual rights groups complained that law enforcement agencies switched their attention from monitoring Internet chat rooms and bulletin boards for sexually suggestive messages to personal blogs and prosecuted message posters in violation of constitutional free speech guarantees.

    Under the law doctors convicted of providing fertility treatments to unmarried persons face fines of up to NT$1.5 million ($46,000). Homosexual rights activists alleged the restrictions unfairly discriminate against homosexuals, who are not permitted to marry under the law.

    Employers convicted of discriminating against jobseekers on the basis of birthplace, sexual orientation, or age face fines of up to NT$1.5 million ($46,000).

    An amendment of the AIDS Prevention and Control Act allows foreign spouses infected with HIV to remain in Taiwan if they can show they were infected by their spouse, or by medical treatment received while in Taiwan. The amended law, renamed the HIV Prevention and Patients' Rights Protection Act, also stipulates that HIV-infected citizens cannot be denied access to education, medical services, housing, or other necessities.

    Section 6 Worker Rights

     a. The Right of Association

    The right to unionize is protected by law but is highly regulated. Workers other than teachers, civil servants, fire fighters, doctors and healthcare workers, domestic workers, and defense industry workers, are protected by the Labor Union Law (LUL).

    Some public employees, including teachers, civil servants, and defense industry workers, have limited rights to form unions. Teachers and civil servants were allowed to form professional associations to negotiate with the authorities but were not allowed to strike. These restrictions led to a long-running dispute between the authorities and groups representing teachers and civil servants. Foreign workers are not allowed to form their own unions or to assume union leadership positions in existing unions.

    A number of laws and regulations limit the right of association. While labor unions may draw up their own rules and constitutions, they must submit them to county and city authorities as well as to the CLA for review. Labor unions may be rejected or dissolved if they do not meet CLA certification requirements or if their activities disturb public order.

    As of June approximately 28 percent of the 10.8 million-person labor force belonged to one of the 5,654 registered labor unions. Many of them were also members of one of eight island-wide labor federations.

    The right to strike is provided by law, and workers exercised this right in practice. However, legal constraints make it difficult to strike, undermining the usefulness of collective bargaining. Workers may strike over issues of compensation and working schedules, but not living or working conditions. The law requires mediation of labor disputes when the authorities deem them to be sufficiently serious or to involve unfair practices. The law prohibits labor and management from disturbing the "working order" while mediation or arbitration is in progress. Critics contended the law has a chilling effect on the right to strike because it does not clearly state what conduct is prohibited. The law mandates stiff penalties for violations of no-strike and no-retaliation clauses.

     b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

    The law gives workers the right to organize, bargain, and act collectively, although some positions are not afforded this right.

    As of June there were 71 collective agreements in force; however, they covered only a small proportion of the labor force, mainly in large companies; 93 percent of industrial labor unions had no collective agreements. No special labor laws or labor law exemptions apply to the export processing zones in Kaohsiung and Taichung.

    The LUL prohibits discrimination, dismissal, or other unfair treatment of workers because of union-related activities. Labor unions charged that during employee cutbacks labor union leaders were sometimes laid off first, or dismissed without reasonable cause. According to the Taiwan Confederation of Trade Unions and the Taiwan Labor Front, there is no specific penalty for the improper dismissal of a labor union leader.

     c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

    The law prohibits forced or compulsory labor by adults and children. However, there were reports that such practices occurred. The authorities prosecuted numerous cases of forced child prostitution, and there was evidence of trafficking in persons into other industries such as household caregivers, farming, manufacturing, and construction (see section 5).

    d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment

    The Labor Standards Law (LSL) stipulates age 15, at which compulsory education ends, as the minimum age for employment. County and city labor bureaus effectively enforced minimum-age laws.

     e. Acceptable Conditions of Work

    The LSL provides standards for working conditions and health and safety precautions. As of May the LSL covered an estimated 6.4 million of the 7.9 million salaried workers. Those not covered included health care workers, gardeners, bodyguards, teachers, doctors, lawyers, civil servants, and domestic workers.

    Foreign household caregivers and domestic workers were covered instead by the Employment Services Act, which does not guarantee a minimum wage or overtime pay, set limits on the workday or workweek, or provide for minimum breaks or vacation time. At the end of August, 168,000 of the 373,000 foreign healthcare and domestic workers had applied for coverage under the Employment Services Act.

    There were no plans to increase the minimum monthly wage of NT$17,280 (approximately $535) or the minimum hourly wage of NT$104 ($3.22). While sufficient in less expensive areas, the minimum wage did not assure a decent standard of living for a single income family in urban areas such as Taipei. Labor rights activists alleged any benefit to foreign workers from previous increases to the monthly minimum wage largely had been offset by CLA's decision to allow employers to increase the maximum monthly deduction for room and board by NT$1,000 ($33). The average manufacturing wage was more than double the legal minimum wage, and the average wage for service industry employees was even higher.

    Legal working hours were 336 hours per eight-week period (for an average of 42 hours per workweek). A five-day workweek has been mandated for the public sector, and according to a CLA survey, more than half of private sector enterprises also reduced the normal workweek to five days.

    The law provides standards for working conditions and health and safety precautions and gives workers the right to remove themselves from dangerous work situations without jeopardy to continued employment. There was widespread criticism that the CLA did not effectively enforce workplace laws and regulations. In the first half of the year, CLA's 300 inspectors conducted 58,315 inspections, a decrease of 44 percent from the same period in 2007. Those 300 inspectors were responsible for inspecting approximately 300,000 enterprises covered by the Occupational Safety and Health Law. Labor NGOs and academics alleged that the labor inspection rate was far too low to serve as an effective deterrent against labor violations and unsafe working conditions.

    Regulations require intensified inspection and oversight of foreign labor brokerage companies. NGOs reported that labor brokers and employers regularly imposed high fees on foreign workers, frequently using the debt as a tool for involuntary servitude, and that foreign workers were unwilling to report employer abuses for fear the employer would terminate the contract and forcibly deport them, leaving them unable to pay back debt accrued to brokers or others. In January the CLA amended regulations governing the payment of wages to foreign workers to prevent employers from deducting foreign brokerage and other fees not in accordance with their contracts.

    To curb illegal salary deduction, in January the CLA announced that an employer may only deduct labor insurance fees, health insurance premiums, income taxes, and meal and lodging fees from the wages of a foreign worker. Violators face fines of NT$60,000 to 300,000 (approximately $1,875 to 8,375) and lose hiring privileges.

    In January the CLA opened a Foreign Worker Direct-Hire Service Center. The center allowed local employers to rehire their foreign employees, especially caregivers, without a broker. NGOs, however, argued that procedures to rehire employees through the center were too complicated, discouraging most employers from using its services. Since February the amended Regulations Governing Employers for the Hiring of Foreign Workers allows foreign workers to change their employer/job with fewer area and frequency restrictions.

    The NIA is responsible for all immigration-related policies and procedures for foreign workers, foreign spouses, immigrant services, and repatriation of illegal immigrants.

    Foreign workers, not victims of trafficking or employer abuse, deemed to have worked illegally faced heavy fines, mandatory repatriation, and a permanent ban on reentering Taiwan.

    又停課了

    第二次碰到暴風雪停課,這在這裡可是不常發生的事情. 我來三年,第二次碰到,還真不是普通好運啊!  第一次是第一年,那時DG放春假來,那一次雪大到用一小時下一呎(foot)來報氣象,且是17年來第一次campus closed.  今天下午是第二次,剛好也是DG放春假. 看來二月底才是這裡最容易放暴風雪假的時間啊!
     
     
    更多照片見相本,2009 spring break.
     
    February 19

    [轉載]台灣民主的試驗仍進行中

    台灣的民主試驗還在進行中,雖然很多倒退的事實,但是糾正的機制也存在,不幸中還有值得安慰的一點

    以下原文

    ----------------------------------

    Taiwan’s democratic test continues

    By Christopher Walker Sarah Cook

    Tuesday, Feb 17, 2009, Page 8

    Since shedding authoritarian rule two decades ago, Taiwan has achieved commendable progress in democracy. On a recent visit, however, it was clear that while democracy continues to flourish, a number of serious concerns have arisen that threaten to shake public confidence in the country’s democratic institutions.

    Our meetings with senior officials of both major political parties, as well as leaders of Taiwan’s diverse non-­governmental organizations and academic community, revealed a palpable sense that the political system is becoming less transparent and more exclusive.

    Several developments have triggered alarms among Taiwan’s civil society and international observers.

    First, the judicial system’s impartiality and ability to hold the current government to account has come into question. The restoration of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) to full political control in the aftermath of President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) decisive victory in last year’s elections — along with an overwhelming legislative majority for his party — has weakened important checks and balances that had been in place over the previous eight years.

    In the months since the KMT retook control, a spate of investigations have been launched against former Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) officials and businesspeople connected to it. The apparent imbalance with which these cases are being pursued raises concerns of selective justice. One prominent lawyer in Taipei describes the phenomenon as a “judicial recession.”

    Further exacerbating tension is the country’s politicized, tabloid-style news media, especially the use of certain outlets to discredit (would-be) defendants before they have their day in court. Six 24-hour cable news channels — four KMT-aligned and two favoring the DPP — pump out a steady diet of over-the-top coverage of political and legal scandal. A robust flow of leaks enables a pernicious form of “trial by media” for those pulled into the judicial vortex.

    These phenomena came to a head in two recent cases. The first is that of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁). The ultimate decision on the former president’s guilt or innocence will be decided by the courts, as it should be. However, the judicial process requires the utmost scrupulousness to ensure there is neither the fact nor perception of political interference. So far, such care has been lacking. A slipshod switching of judges just before year’s end and a grossly impolitic skit mocking the former president — during a party organized by Ministry of Justice officials — have raised eyebrows at home and abroad about the seriousness of the officials entrusted with handling this sensitive case.

    The second case involves the investigation into clashes between police and citizens protesting Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin’s (陳雲林) visit to Taiwan in November. During this historic visit, more than 100 demonstrators and police were injured. Other citizens have complained of official harassment in response to peaceful acts of protest.

    The National Police Agency undertook one review shortly after the event, which resulted in mild discipline, followed, incongruously, by promotions of several key officers. It apparently has undertaken a second more comprehensive internal review, but those findings have not been made public. (按: 好幾個涉嫌暴力的警察在之後湊巧得到晉升也被提出來討論了,之前我就提過了啊)


    The Control Yuan is undertaking its own investigation, but the extent to which its findings will be made public is unclear. Perplexingly, the process of such an investigation, or even whether it is taking place at all, remains unknown to even the most well-informed members of Taiwan’s civil society, let alone the public-at-large.

    Given the increasing unease with the trajectory of democratic governance in Taiwan, several immediate steps by the authorities to enhance transparency would help lay such concerns to rest.

    Comprehensive reports and regular status updates should be published of any investigations carried out by key government bodies, including the Control Yuan, the police and other agencies, irrespective of the political orientation of their subjects.

    The authorities should also make a dedicated effort to stop the debilitating cycle of leaks from criminal investigations. Ma and relevant senior officials must make clear that any information improperly dispensed by prosecutors, investigators or any other judicial or law enforcement body will not be tolerated.

    Finally, as the current administration makes decisions that will affect generations of Taiwanese to come — particularly in its sensitive cross-Strait negotiations — it should take an inclusive and open posture toward the public. The combination of closed-door talks with the Chinese Communist Party and a dismissive attitude regarding citizen complaints of official abuse risks creating an atmosphere of highhandedness within government and alienation outside it.

    Several developments in recent weeks — including a Council of Grand Justices’ decision on the unconstitutionality of recording client-lawyer conversations and the Control Yuan’s public criticism of prosecutorial leaks — are encouraging signs that Taiwan’s self-correcting democratic mechanisms are functioning. Concerns remain, however, over the evenhandedness with which standards of accountability are being applied.

    Taiwan has established itself as a democracy whose significance extends far beyond its shores. In a region where the ideals of democracy are directly challenged, fundamental principles of transparency and pluralism need particularly vigorous safeguarding. The current era of closer relations with China’s government, known more for secretiveness and intolerance of dissent than for democratic governance, make these standards even more important for Taiwan.



    Christopher Walker is director of studies and Sarah Cook is an Asia researcher at Freedom House.

    February 08

    [轉載] Taiwan, South Korea muzzle pessimistic brokers

    以下是經濟學人的報導. 台灣與南韓這下的確很像,政府要干預財經消息,只准報喜不可報憂(accentuate only the positive)

    ------------------------

    Bye bye sell

    Feb 5th 2009 | HONG KONG AND SEOUL
    From The Economist print edition

    Tired of bad news about the financial markets? Censor it


    Illustration by S. Kambayashi

    NOT so many years ago brokers were prosecuted in America for shamelessly plugging the dogs of the dotcom boom. Consider it a sign of the times that governments in South Korea and Taiwan are now quietly encouraging brokers to accentuate only the positive.

    The methods may differ, but if you have something critical to say and it somehow becomes public knowledge, you should brace yourself for unpleasant consequences. In December the Taiwan Securities Association, a trade body, reminded brokers, on behalf of the government, that the press must receive the firm’s approval before quoting research.

    When critical brokers’ opinions are cited in newspapers, regulators now want “explanations”. On February 4th CLSA, a regional broker, issued a report saying Taiwan’s economy had deteriorated sharply. The press jumped on the report, and the government jumped on CLSA, which quickly issued a statement. The report was intended for clients alone and CLSA had not changed its investment opinions. Regulators have insidiously suggested that investment firms take a harder line by suing media outlets that report on their opinions.

    In South Korea, a reluctance to issue sell recommendations has already taken hold. Of the 17,335 reports issued by South Korean brokers in 2008, there were 14,903 “buy” recommendations but not a single “sell”, according to FnGuide, a Seoul-based financial-information company. At best, that reflects poor analysis: the stockmarket tumbled 41% during the year.

    But something more sinister may be afoot. JPMorgan, an American investment bank, was the target of an investigation by the Financial Supervisory Service after it suggested that problem loans at South Korea’s Hana Bank may be higher than the bank’s own estimates. Switzerland’s Credit Suisse was denounced by Hyundai Securities, which publicly castigated the firm after it halved its target price for the South Korean broker. One analyst recalls a threatening telephone call from a sushi-restaurant owner after he issued a “sell” recommendation: “I have many sharp knives. Stay away from dark alleys,” the man said.

    -------

    延伸閱讀:

    我們還有言論自由嗎: 從《金融》部落格報明牌,金管會開罰 說起

    這就是言論自由


     

    February 05

    有趣的對比

    從"The View from Taiwan" 看到文魯彬打算參選大安區立委的補選(Robin Winkler is going to run Diane Lee's vacated seat. )
     
    文魯彬是在2003歸化台灣的國籍的. 根據台灣的法律規定,歸化台灣國籍必須先放棄原來的國籍. 也就是說,他先放棄了美國國籍才取得台灣的國籍. 這個新聞很有趣在於一個放棄美國籍的白人競逐一個因為歸化美國籍而鬧雙重國籍的"台灣人"留下的空位.  這個對比實在太有趣了.
     
    文魯彬先生是我知道的第二個放棄原來美國籍而取得台灣的國籍的白人,我知道的第一個是閱讀雜誌得知的. 因為歸化時候年紀的關係,還依規定服了兩年的兵役. 後來當兵的經驗還出了一本書: 台灣饅頭美國兵. 當時我還買了一本送給一位朋友,看的時候有些平實的敘述卻有催淚效果. 相對那些想盡辦法免除兵役的權貴子弟, 這種對比實在太鮮明.
     
    先喃喃自語一翻,改天再聊.
     
     
     

    轉載: GIO minister answers open letter (馬政府回覆第三封公開信)

    先轉載原文如下,有空再候補中譯或感想 . 第三封公開信見

    ----------------

    GIO minister answers open letter

    By Su Jun-bin 蘇俊賓

    Monday, Feb 02, 2009, Page 8

    In a recent open letter (“Eroding justice: Open letter No. 3,” Jan. 21, page 8) the signatories express their concern for fairness in Taiwan’s judicial system. The government of the Republic of China appreciates their concern, but we find in the open letter a number of points of inaccuracy or misunderstanding about which I would like to provide clarification.

    The open letter alleges that during the visit of Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) in November, police infringed on basic human freedoms, and infers that our government has taken no action to investigate such allegations. Actually, however, the National Police Agency has conducted internal investigations of such allegations and has so far taken disciplinary measures against five policemen whose behavior was found to be flawed.

    Moreover, our Control Yuan and the public prosecutor’s office of the Taipei District Court are in the process of investigating complaints of improper police behavior together with instances of protester violence during Chen’s visit.

    These facts demonstrate that our government takes this matter seriously and that our various investigatory mechanisms are functioning effectively.

    In this connection, we note that preliminary data of the National Police Agency indicates that more than 170 policemen were injured by unruly protesters, as compared with 40 civilians (including reporters) who were injured, while 18 persons were arrested based on evidence that they did indeed perpetrate violence. The standards applied in making these arrests and in reviewing criticisms of police behavior are completely in line with those applied in other democratic nations.

    As to why our government does not conduct such investigations by establishing a special independent commission, we have publicly explained this before: The Control Yuan is a branch of government constitutionally mandated to investigate allegations of misconduct by public servants, including police authorities, and to function independently of other branches of government. The US government, for example, has no comparable independent investigatory body and its Congress must therefore sometimes resort to establishing independent commissions.

    In 2004, our Legislative Yuan established a special commission to investigate the shooting incident in which then president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) and vice president Annette Lu (呂秀蓮) were injured. Later, the Constitutional Court declared unconstitutional certain aspects of the law by which the special commission was established, rendering the commission inoperative.

    This demonstrates that under the constitutional system of the Republic of China, the Control Yuan suffices to play the role of independent investigatory body, and the establishment of a special commission in competition with the Control Yuan’s function is constitutionally questionable.

    As people who are knowledgeable about Taiwan, the signatories of the open letter should be quite familiar with the aforementioned episode in history and understand its significance. Currently, the Control Yuan is in the process of re-examining the events of March 19, 2004.

    Further, the open letter expresses concern about the legality of the switch of panels of judges to conduct the trial of former president Chen. Following the Dec. 12 indictment of the former president on multiple charges of corruption and money laundering, the Taipei District Court determined that because the charges concern complex financial matters of major importance, the trial should be conducted by a panel of judges with specialized competence in such matters. Through a lot-drawing procedure, the court assigned the case to a three-member panel of judges headed by Chou Chan-chun (周占春).

    Later, the same panel of judges, at the suggestion of one of its members, Ho Chiao-mei (何俏美), requested the Taipei District Court to consider whether the case should be combined with an earlier-initiated case being heard by another panel of judges — namely the “state affairs fund” case, in which the accused is former first lady Wu Shu-jen (吳淑珍).

    Former president Chen had also been charged in the 2006 indictment against the first lady, but was immune to prosecution at the time. Now that his immunity has lapsed, and one of the charges in the Dec. 12 indictment concerns the state affairs fund case, Judge Ho felt it was sensible and more economical to combine the two cases for hearing by the same panel so that the same questions will not be asked in the examination of witnesses in two different trial proceedings.

    A review panel of Taipei District Court judges was convened to consider the question and it determined that a joinder of indictments is indeed the best course of action. Hence, the case involving former president Chen was reassigned to the panel of judges, headed by Tsai Shou-hsun (蔡守訓), that has been handling the state affairs fund case since 2006. Furthermore, in response to an appeal by former president Chen’s counsel to reverse this decision, the Taiwan High Court rejected the appeal and confirmed that such a joinder is proper. This review and reassignment process is fully in keeping with due process of law.

    As for suspicions that public prosecutors have leaked information to the press, we point out that former president Chen was named as a co-defendant in the state affairs fund corruption case in 2006, and that the period of investigation during which there is a ban on release of information has lapsed. We further point out that in the course of the investigation of former president Chen, his family members, and others in connection with suspicion of corruption and money laundering, the various witnesses, legal counsel and the accused themselves have inappropriately made public statements or provided information to the press. Thus, the open letter’s statement that information which appeared in news reports could only have come from public prosecutors is unfair.

    Moreover, we stress that in the event solid evidence emerges to show that any person involved in the prosecutorial process has leaked information during the investigation stage of any case and has thus violated the rule of secrecy, the Ministry of Justice will surely take firm disciplinary and criminal legal action against said person.

    Finally, with regard to the skit performed by public prosecutors attached to the Taipei District Court in celebration of Law Day, the Ministry of Justice had no knowledge of the content of the skit prior to its performance, nor do we deem it proper for the ministry to conduct a “pre-show investigation” of, or censor, the content of any such performance. Respecting the right of free speech, we can only hope and trust that light-hearted performances will remain within the bounds of good taste and will not reflect poorly on the performers’ integrity.

    Following the performance, in response to criticisms that a portion of the skit inappropriately made fun of former president Chen, the prosecutors involved indicated that they had no intention of acting out of vengefulness but wished only to heighten the dramatic effect. Although such joking by public servants may be tolerated as being within the bounds of freedom of speech, the Ministry of Justice has nevertheless conveyed to the prosecutors in question, the reactions of critics who found their joking to be in bad taste or damaging to the dignity of the judicial system, and has urged them to avoid such behavior in the future.

    To all who care about Taiwan, including the signatories of the Jan. 21 open letter, we again express our gratitude for your comments and criticisms. Please be assured that in prosecutorial matters, our judicial authorities are deeply concerned about safeguarding human rights and ensuring judicial fairness, and shall strive to strictly uphold the procedures stipulated by the laws of the Republic of China.



    Su Jun-pin is the Government Information Office minister

    February 03

    在異鄉發現台灣之新解

    這跟同名之書沒有關係, 而是今天看到台灣打算發教育券的新聞後突然有的新體驗. 既然是異鄉, 指的就是台灣以外. 因此先來看我之前的遊記吧(藍色的)--
     
    XX人民非常自豪的,除了沒有失業人口之外,還有所謂的三大福利,分別是1.免費學習2.免費治療3.免稅。.........
     
    沒有商業活動的這個事實令我非常吃驚。每到一個國家旅行,我一向相當注意著名跨國企業在各個國家的普及程度,因為我認為這是一個簡單的指標,可以用來推測一個國家商業政策的開放程度、對外國經濟體的擁抱與接納程度。而路邊的商店則可以看出一個國家商業活動的活動力。......
     
    我們見到的「舶來品」多數是來自中國,而同行旅客曾多次要求導遊帶我們到市集逛逛見識見識未果,最後導遊終於說了原因--我們的市集是用糧票的,你們又沒糧票,沒有配給的。真是令我吃驚的事實啊!我難以想像時至今日北韓仍然普遍甚至應該說是依賴配給券(連和尚尼姑亦然)來購買日常必需品與食物,那麼一切便有了合理的解釋,因為一個沒有市場的地方,那些經濟體根本沒有存在的空間與必要。

     

    台灣也快要是"見到的舶來品多數是來自中國了",不是嗎?  還是說快要"統一"了,不算舶來品? 

    今天,我看到台灣打算發教育券, 就是一種免費教育(至少短期免費)的政策吧! 加上已有健保. 之前北市積欠的健保費, 似乎一筆勾銷, 不知算得上否(北市民)先行享有免費治療的福利?  而且還有最近的消費券,跟糧票或配給券也有異曲同工之妙吧?

    而如果發教育券是爲了美化失業率的數字, 那我倒覺得我的同次旅遊另一段遊記提供更好的方法讓台灣政府當局參考,摘錄如下:

    零失業與勞力浪費
    零失業固然是令人羨慕的經濟事實(在此可能稱不上是經濟成就),然而,......,在這裡,人工之低廉與勞力之浪費令人印象深刻....

    舉個例子:我們除了司機之外,有兩位全程隨行的導遊分別是朴小姐與金部長(朝鮮國際旅行社中國旅遊部部長),此外,每到任何一個參觀景點都可以看到各景點均有該景點專職解釋、身著傳統服裝的小姐女士數名,此時我們的導遊則權充翻譯用,而這些工作都是由國家安排的。事實上北韓的觀光客數量有限,很多解釋人員都是「備而不用」,理應全陪就可以應付這些了,更何況我們有兩位全陪;另一個例子更極端,地下鐵是由人工開關門的,每列車四個車廂、每車廂有兩個門則每次列車進出車站就需要8個人員負責車門的開關,另外有一名負責舉示「○」表示可以上下車及「×」列車即將開動、請勿上下車,月台另一側也有同樣的人員編制。因此,一個地鐵站的月台至少就有20名人員(不包括其他輪班人員,也不包括售票人員)。在其他國家,列車門自動開關,並由警告聲代替「○」「×」告示舉牌員。這種人工的浪費在其他經濟發展的國家恐怕是不可能存在的吧!因此我認為此地的零失業只是一種經濟事實,甚至是一種經由人力浪費所構成的假象,根本稱不上是經濟上的成就。...........
     
    再加上路口紅綠燈全然不用,改用人工指揮,這也可以創造不少就業機會. 這也是在當地可以看到的,除了嚴冬與酷暑外,交通號誌一律用路口人工指揮替代. 這一來應該可以創造不少就業機會吧?
     
    另外還有擴大內需, 這裡也所多可供參考:
     
    除了五一體育場之外還有許多運動設施如舉重體育場、室內游泳池等等,單單Chong-chun一條街上就有十個各類體育場,我不禁懷疑五一體育場的興建是否有其必要性?還是這又是一個製造就業機會的工程、實際經濟價值卻不大的建設?
     
    如何? 面面俱到是吧! 真懷疑當初執政黨喊出的經濟政策是不是根本就是抄襲自此啊!!!
     
     
     
     
     
     
    是的, 這個國家叫北韓. 
     
     
    原來, 在北韓發現台灣. 或是說, 台灣正在北韓化? 
     
    ---------
    延伸閱讀:
     
     
    February 02

    Super Bowl

    我向來不喜美式足球, 總覺得太肉搏.  可是今年的Super Bowl我竟然看了一下, 原因當然是捧自己"故鄉"--AZ的場.
     
    說來好運? 我看得時候剛好是AZ紅雀從落後四分因為touch-down而領先三分的片段. 當時只剩下兩分鐘左右. 沒想到關上電視最後一分不到卻又被追回,最後還倒輸3分. 還好沒親眼看到,不然大概會把晚上吃得太多的晚餐都吐出來吧?!
     
    看來這場不但是AZ第一次進super bowl,也是我看的第一場super bowl,大概也是我看的最後一場吧?!
     
    PS/不能放在火熱篇,因為已經不住AZ了. 但又跟此地生活無關,只好放進這個新的分類了.

    大學生想什麼?要什麼?

    因為自己離那個時代太遠了,一點都想不起來大學生到底想什麼,要什麼. 
     
    現在教課, 卻不知道學生想什麼. 還真是傷腦筋啊.
     
    有人知道可分享的嗎? 感恩啦!