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    June 29

    茴香(7): 茴香大餐之茴香烤雞冷麵沙拉

    前兩篇就提到以前吃過醋麵. 今天早上吃完以茴香醋做成的醋飯握壽司之後跟Darley在網路上閒聊. (當時還沒把握壽司po上網.)

     

    D: 那醋飯看起來很清爽呢! 你要不要用茴香醋調成的油醋醬試看看意大利冷麵啊!

    我: ㄟ, 對喔! 就像是日本蕎麥麵也是冷的, 就來個義大利版的涼麵好了,而且還可以一醬兩用: 拌沙拉兼拌冷麵.

    D: 我好像在星巴克的早餐組合裡有看過, 你等一下....

     

    Clock 過了一下....此時我用來po 茴香(6)

    D: 找到了....就是那個和風烤雞冷麵沙拉

    我: 看來不錯.  而且等我的小黃瓜收成後我也打算用茴香醋來涼拌小黃瓜,就可以做第一個套餐了

     

    就這樣,我今天的午餐就成了茴香烤雞冷麵沙拉, 算是山寨版或說是茴香版的和風烤雞冷麵沙拉!

     
     
    這是醬: 茴香醋, 一點辣椒, 一點番茄醬,這樣調配出酸辣中帶微甜的味道, 加上新鮮茴香葉與茴香籽. 因為是"和風醬,"總要加點芝麻之類的, 所以就用茴香子替代囉.
     
     
    再來一個個介紹:  茴香醋醬(義大利)冷麵, 看來很清爽吧?
     
     
    迷迭香烤雞當然也要替換成茴香烤雞囉
     
     
    再來是生菜沙拉淋上茴香醋醬, 生菜當然是菜園裡收成的有機生菜
     
     
    最後是之前介紹過的茴香洋蔥鮪魚沙拉, 早餐的茴香鮪魚蛋就是用這個當底, 加上蛋煎成的. 可惜沒有馬鈴薯在手邊,不然就更好了!
     
     
    今天的早餐與午餐都是名符其實的茴香餐啊! 這樣總不枉被稱作茴香夫妻了吧! Tongue out
     
    感謝Darley提供主意! Smile
     
    June 28

    茴香(6): 茴香醋的應用趴兔

    話說昨天用茴香醋飯後想到可以來做壽司,今天就迫不及待的實驗了.  我還真是個沒耐心的人啊Tongue out, 所以真的要釀茴香酒嗎? 大概會耐不助性子,一直想打開吧?
     
    廢話少說, 這個實驗有兩個主題. 一個當然是茴香醋的部份,另一部分是茴香和魚類的搭配. 茴香因為氣味特殊且濃烈, 很適合和容易有腥味的海鮮或是有羶味的羊肉羊排等食材的搭配.  在海鮮的部份,除了鮭魚外, 上次沙拉我還嘗試了鮪魚,也蠻適合的. 這兩種也都是握壽司常見的魚類,所以這次就以鮭魚和鮪魚為主.   再來就是茴香的部份. 當然茴香醋是拿來做醋飯當作握壽司的底. 另外茴香籽和新鮮茴香也都拿來利用. 茴香籽看來很像芝麻,也是加壽司的常見食材.
     
    這是醋飯的部份,是握壽司的底部
     
     
    鮪魚茴香煎蛋也可以搭配,靈感來自蛋皮壽司
     
     
    看到灑在上面的茴香子了嗎?  其實和我原本打算的還有點差距. 本來很想烤成霜降鮭魚的樣子,就是那種外熟內生,這樣才像壽司嘛! 不過一來怕不夠新鮮,二來火候控制不佳,就還是把它全烤熟了的好.
     
     
    最後是成品囉! 有兩種. 茴香蛋皮的很難和飯包在一起,只好直接把鮭魚放上去. 這一來有兩魚(鮪魚和鮭魚)兩茴(茴香籽和茴香葉), 也是很有特色啦!
     
     
    其實和醋飯的也很難包在一起,大概是因為我有混糙米? 所以就把新鮮茴香拿來當繩子綁了Hot...吃的時候我是連茴香一起吃進去, 一口裡特有的茴香味,醋飯和鮭魚,味道很豐富.
     
     
    這是我今天的早餐. 是不是很豐盛啊? 應該要煮一碗味噌湯的啊!
     
     

    茴香(5) 茴香醋開罈! 茴香醋的應用

    話說一週前開始釀茴香醋,還以為需要一個月,果然生手沒經驗外加沒常識Embarrassed
     
    這週內我打開好幾次,有加水,也有加糖. 水是用燒開的礦泉水,自來水有氯,不確定可不可以. 加糖是給養分來餵醋酸菌.  事實上空氣中就有菌種,只不過份量應該不夠. 又懶得去買,就用米酒和一點生醋(白醋)當底.  一開始的樣子見茴香(4). 一開始不確定手邊有的白醋是否是生醋,也不知道米酒到底有沒有用,所以一直觀望中.
     
    兩天後打開加糖加水. 那時候顏色已經變黃,專家說這表示葉綠素,葉黃素與花青素都被萃取出來了. 而且容器外面摸起來有溫度, 打開有氣泡,知道發酵進行中,就比較放心的加水進去...
     
     
    昨天把釀好的茴香醋裝進礦泉水的瓶子裡.
     
     
    我自己試喝了一下. 我算是不怕酸的人,3(水):1 稀釋即可接受. 晚上菠菜夫婦邀請去她家吃菠菜餅(spinach quiche) ,我也帶了茴香醋過去. 加上蜂蜜甚至冰塊喝起來更爽口. 很適合夏天飲用.
     
    [沒有拍照]
     
    除了當有機健康醋喝之外, 今天利用茴香醋做了兩種變化. 第一個是從油醋醬來的靈感,我把茴香醋加點辣椒和麻油(所以才能叫做油醋醬吧Hot....手邊沒有橄欖油的關係啦)
     
     
    加上新鮮茴香切碎淋在生菜上. 當然啦!生菜也是菜園裡的收成之一. 這個不是親子丼,那要叫做親子沙拉嗎? Thinking 那沙拉上除了新鮮茴香再灑上茴香仔,淋上茴香醋的話就變成三茴一吃囉?Eye-rolling
     
     
     
     
    再來是茴香醋拌飯. 老實講我不知道有沒有醋拌飯這種東西勒? 我只知道有醋拌麵. 但是中午是吃飯,所以就變成茴香醋拌飯囉? 
     
     
     
    格天迫不及待就來實驗一下用茴香醋做壽司...
     
    June 27

    六月底的青菜園

    報告一下六月底的菜園.  又收成兩種生菜, 詳見生菜篇
     
     
    長豆已經爬到超出架子了
     
     
     
    黃秋葵有長高
     
     
    空心菜排排站
     
     
     
    A菜
     
     
    西洋菜終於不在是趴在地上, 看來我架架子也是有作用的啦!
     
     
    椒類(pepper), 因為是辦公室拿來的,搞不清楚是什麼椒. 已經開花,但是高度上完全不能和番茄競爭啊
     
     
     
    四季豆也快要可以採收了
     
     
    小黃瓜開始要結果了
     
     
    其他扁豆或是可連被蕃茄遮住的羅勒等照片見像本
     
    June 23

    轉載: China Times Group Takeover Raises Press Freedom Concerns (中時集團轉手引發新聞自由的關注)

    最近陸續看到關於旺旺報的一些新聞, 因為我很久沒看中時了,所以也沒特別注意到底是怎麼回事. 今天發現這篇由國際記協發出的新聞稿, 轉載如下,大抵是呼籲旺旺集團應該要秉持新聞自由與媒體獨立的精神來經營中時.  人名的中譯是我加的...
     
    --------
     
    Jun22, 2009
     

    The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) stands in solidarity with its affiliate, the Association of Taiwan Journalists (ATJ), and members of Taiwan’s independent media in demanding that the new owners of Taiwan’s largest media syndicate, China Times Group, make a public commitment to press freedom and media independence.

    Taiwan’s media regulatory body, the National Communications Council (NCC), announced a conditional approval on May 27 of the takeover of the China Times Group by the Want Want Group, after a series of public hearings. Want Want Group is chaired by Taiwan businessman Tsai-Eng-ming, who owns a food products conglomerate largely based in China.

    On June 12, the owners of the Want Want China Times Group sent legal notifications to several journalists and office-holders in media rights organisations threatening to sue them for any critical reporting of the takeover. Recipients included Media Watch chairman Kuan Chung-Hsiang (管中祥), ATJ President Chuang Feng-Chia (莊豐嘉) and Wealth magazine editor Tien Hsi-Ju (田習如).

    More than 30 media reform and human rights organisations and more than 400 news media workers in Taiwan have signed a petition, “News media is not the tool of bosses”, condemning the takeover. The petition also condemns advertisements published in the group’s flagship newspaper, China Times, accusing the NCC of abuse of power. The advertisements reportedly included photos of three NCC members in a “most wanted” format.

    The NCC’s decision imposed five rulings for conditions of operation of the Want Want China Times Group. These include reappointing board members of two major television stations owned by Want Want China Times Group, China Television Co (CTV) and the Chinese Nationalist Party-operated CTI; assurance of independence for the board of directors of both TV stations; separate advertising, sales and programming departments; and the establishment of an “ethics commission” and regularly published “self-discipline” reports on their respective websites.

    Signatories to the ATJ-led petition voiced concern that the group’s response to critical commentary and NCC regulation indicated a lack of commitment to news media professionalism and independence. “The dignity and professional autonomy of news media employees cannot be sacrificed and news workers cannot be treated as sales personnel or given orders on what news to report or what to write,” the petition said.

    "The Want Want China Times Group’s attempts to intimidate journalists, public commentators and NCC personnel call into question its attitude and commitment to freedom of expression and the value of independent voices in Taiwan,” IFJ Asia-Pacific Director Jacqueline Park said. “The group needs to recognise that the role of an independent media in a democracy is to provide a diversity of information, news and analysis, and that media business employees must be able to provide this public good without fear of intimidation and legal action.”

    The IFJ joins the ATJ and petition signatories in calling on the owners of the Want Want China Times Group not to override the press freedom standards set by both the NCC and the independent reporting community in Taiwan.

    For further information contact IFJ Asia-Pacific on +612 9333 0919

    轉載: Democrat to seek help for TFD (美民主黨議員致函要求歐巴馬政府協助台灣民主基金會) (updated)

    原文如下(含部分翻譯,我自己翻的)

    ----------
    GOING TO THE TOP: A White House official said the US president would give every consideration to a letter appealing for support for the pro-democracy organization
    By William Lowther
    STAFF REPORTER , WASHINGTON
    Monday, Jun 22, 2009, Page 3

    A congressman has asked US President Barack Obama to become directly involved in the growing controversy over the future of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy (TFD). (TFD: 台灣民主基金會)

    Robert Andrews, a Democrat from New Jersey, said in a letter to the White House that the TFD’s existence and present general policy directions were very much in line with the “fundamental values of democracy and human rights which Taiwan shares with the US.”

    It goes on to ask Obama to “urge” President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and his administration to “let the TFD do its useful work the way it had done over the past six years.”

    (信中要求歐巴馬敦促馬英九政府讓台灣民主基金會能夠一如過去六年做它該做(有用)的事.  註: TFD是2003年成立的,從2003~至此,因此為六年)

    A number of other Congressmen are expected to publicly support Andrews’ letter later this week.

    The White House could not confirm last night that Obama had actually read the letter, but an official said: “It’s an important and significant subject and I am sure he will give it every consideration.”

    In the letter to Obama, Andrews said that he was writing “to bring an issue to your attention that is of great concern.”

    He added: “Recently, news reports from Taiwan have come to our attention that the administration of Taiwan’s President Ma Ying-jeou is planning to curtail the activities of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, reversing the Foundation’s policies of supporting democratic movements in other countries on grounds that this may offend the autocratic government of the People’s Republic of China and replacing the TFD’s personnel with people sympathetic to this accommodationalist philosophy.”

    (近來的台灣新聞報導讓我們注意到馬政府打算阻擋台灣民主基金會的活動, 修改基金會支持其他國家民主活動的政策以免惹惱中國政府, 並撤換基金會人員)

    The TFD was founded in 2003 and modeled on the US’ National Endowment for Democracy with the aim of promoting democracy and human rights in Asia.

    The TFD liaised with Tibetan and Chinese dissident groups as well as organizations from the Czech Republic, former East Germany, Hungary and Poland, inviting speakers to Taiwan to discuss such issues as transitional justice and human rights,” the letter said.

    “In January of this year, it also invited Freedom House to Taiwan to present its annual report of freedom in the world. It also supports democracy activists in Cuba,” it said.

    Andrews added that he was concerned the Ma administration was seeking accommodation with China “at the expense of freedom and democracy, not only in Taiwan itself, but also in China and Tibet.”

    (他擔心馬政府不但以台灣的民主與自由為代價,也以中國與西藏的民主與自由為代價來配合中國政府)

    “This would constitute another blow to Taiwan’s vibrant democracy,” he said. 

    (這將嚴重打擊台灣的民主)

    ---------

    延伸閱讀:

    1)Bad rap on rights is Ma's making Tuesday, Jun 23, 2009, Page 8

    特別是第一段:

    The political storm brewing over an approaching personnel reshuffle at the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy was anything but inevitable.

    Not long after news emerged that President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) intended to make changes to the foundation’s board of directors, various organizations in Taiwan and the US began accusing Ma of interfering in the affairs of this reputable organization. One US congressman has gone so far as to call on US President Barack Obama to get involved.

    updated on 6/26

    2)US group pressures Ma on TFD shuffle

    3)Taiwan needs TFD to stay independent

    June 22

    茴香(4): 釀茴香醋,茴香鮭魚,茴香沙拉,茴香炙,茴香子炒羊肉 (revised)

    話說園裡的茴香[1]多得可怕, 我一直在想像有什麼新玩意可以消化它. 第一個想到的是提煉成精油,因為它有鎮靜安眠的效果,有人拿來舒緩頭痛.  不過問了一下專家(唸化工+食科雙料博士), 打消這個念頭了. 因為在家裡沒有適當的器材.  前兩天想到釀醋, 問過專家表示可行, 但是不具經濟效益,因為要等至少一個月.  但反正我有那麼多茴香, 就實驗看看囉! 
     
    用很少用到的超大玻璃盤(有蓋子)來釀茴香醋.  因為要把清洗過的剩餘水分瀝乾,我偷懶用烤箱烤了一下Tongue out, 顏色有點跑掉. 一個月後再回來報告結果. 如果成功,下次我就來釀茴香酒了 Open-mouthed
     
     
    這是之前的茴香鮭魚, 和去年做法不大一樣. 既然有茴香(4),還是讓它歸隊(本來偷渡在九層塔餐裡)
     
     
     
    再來是意想天開的把它莖部切段,當作燒艾草般來燃燒.  看到照片最左邊灰狀燃燒過的茴香了嗎?  聞起來還真有點像艾草. 可能是因為都是香草植物吧! 不過因為它有油質, 不是那麼容易燃燒.
     
    補充一下: 我本來是想當蚊香用, 就像香茅還有白柚的皮也都可以燒來當蚊香用.  燒了之後發現味道很像艾草燒. 之前用艾草燒是因為這裡冬天很長,不能開窗的時間很久, 我抱怨空氣很髒, 感覺上一次感冒留下的細菌都揮之不去, 中醫朋友建議我燒艾草消毒.  燒艾草的時候門窗關閉,讓空氣瀰漫艾草燒.來消毒,此時人最好離開外出. 有點像水煙殺蟲劑的那種方法. 
     
     
    然後是茴香鮪魚沙拉, 就是常見的洋蔥鮪魚沙拉多加茴香而已.  可以當沙拉吃, 也可以把它和義大利麵炒吧? 晚上來實驗看看.
     
     
     
    最後這是茴香子炒羊肉.  之前我是用茴香烤羊肉, 這次用茴香子, 有清爽的口味, 很不錯. 昨天跟菜友說我要來用茴香和茴香子做成另一種素食版的親子丼. 茴香子看起來很像芝麻吧?! 下次去密西根把它當芝麻來作大餅看看Hot
     
     
    以上
    ------
    [1]到底它是茴香還是蒔蘿? 我不知道. 看過照片的友人,有的說茴香(fennel),有的說蒔蘿(dill). 既然之前都稱它茴香, 所以我還是慣稱它茴香好了. 照這裡的,我的應該是茴香無誤, 但如果依照是否結球莖來看,那我的又應該是蒔蘿了
     
    <茴香系列連結>
    茴香(1) : 茴香蛋餅裹草莓醬, 茴香烤雞腿, 俄羅斯紅湯, 茴香鮭魚義大利麵, 茴香蛋餅, 茴香茶
    茴香(2): 茴香吐司,茴香麵包, 茴香魚, 茴香烤羊排
    茴香(3): 茴香咖啡羊排, 茴香餃子, (辣)茴香松子雞丁
    June 21

    六月中的青菜園: 生菜篇 (updated on 6/26)

    今天來講一下生菜
     
    一開始拿種子的時候和朋友各拿一種,然後交換,我每種種兩三棵, 結果到現在還是不知道每種真正的名字, 冏Embarrassed
     
     
    首先是鹿角狀的, 已經大到開花了.這種很奇怪喔, 採的時候有芝麻味
     
     
    再來是捲毛的
     
     
    這是紅色的生菜
     
     
     
    這是蘿蔓生菜
     
    然後是今天的收成,兩大袋
     
    茴香和香菜有多大? 兩隻拖鞋的長度啊!!
     
     
     
    大部分的捲毛和鹿角生菜都被我採收了, 不然長得太高太密,蘿蔓生菜都被擋住了, 尤其是我可憐的九層塔和鼠尾草,根本不見天日. 所以今天清掉兩棵香菜還有五棵茴香...清除後的樣子見相本
     
    捲毛生菜和鹿角生菜很奇怪, 生吃會苦, 煮湯卻沒有苦味,而且口感頗佳,煮久了也不會爛掉, 是那種不適合生吃適合煨湯的菜.
     
    6/21 更新
    今天煮湯時還加了一點薑, 喝起來有鮮美的感覺(甚至有鮮魚湯的味道),很讚!
     
    6/26 更新
     
    另外兩種生菜, 一種像大陸妹, 另一種如下. 老實說 她自己長出來的...我都搞不清楚了啊
    June 20

    2009 六月中的青菜園

    天氣終於溫暖起來, 青菜都有明顯的成長.
     
    豆苗開花結果中
     
     
    豆苗結成扁豆
     
    四季豆昨天開花,
     
     
    今天就發現結果了
     
     
    黃秋葵一排,很可愛吧
     
     
    西洋菜也出來囉
     
     
     
    空心菜
     
     
    連種下去當堆肥的A菜廚餘都長出葉子
     
     
    更多照片見相本2009 Garden

    賽馬+賭馬 (derby) (updated on 6/22)

     

    今天(6/14)去看賽馬.一開始約了幾位朋友, 有不克前往的,有吃完飯先回去用功的, 最後剩下菜友和我們.   起頭的是DG, 我只是喜歡騎馬, 看賽馬倒是沒想到過.

    話說賭資已經"款"好了, 就從賭馬開始說起吧! 上面的照片裡左邊那張是下賭後的收據.

    下賭有兩種方法: 一是在櫃檯下賭, 二是直接到類似ATM的機器上下賭.  收據上的Canterbury是我們去的馬場, 因為電腦連線, 在這個馬場也可同時對在其他馬場的賽馬下賭. 因此下賭時第一個要講的就是馬場(Track)的名字,其次是第幾場(Race),例如相片裡的收據是賭第九場. 再來是賭法. 我們比較保守,賭的是SHOW,也就是說,只要跑進前三名就算贏了!如果是賭第一名要說WIN,賭前兩名則是PLACE,其他還有賭前三名且排名完全正確或是前兩名且排名完全正確等贏率必較小的賭法.  SHOW下面那個5是賭第五號馬. 賭2元就不用我解釋了. 所以在櫃檯下賭的話,完整的講法是

    At Canterbury Race 9  2(賭多少錢) to SHOW (賭法) on 5 (馬的編號).

    第一次在櫃檯買之前,還練了一次才講呢! 後來我們就用機器下賭了.

    其他照片見相本

    --------

    PS/拖太久了,虎頭蛇尾寫一下了事Tongue out.  可以參考菜友的這篇.

    June 14

    預告: 賽馬

    這只是預告, 明天我們要去看賽馬. 生平第一次, 至於為什麼突然想到去看賽馬呢? 其實是DG起的頭, 我的嗜好只是騎馬, 沒有賽馬.  我有一些"奇怪"的嗜好, 騎馬外另一個是射箭. 以後有機會說射箭的事情.
     
     
    至於賭資,嘿嘿, 幫忙打掃的15元拿來當作賭本好了. 
     
     
    敬請期待!
    June 13

    九層塔大餐

    以為天氣轉暖,為了種九層塔, 上週去買了九層塔來煮,把枝幹留下來插枝用. 以下是我們的九層塔大餐新嘗試的部份.
     
     
     
    第一個是(煮)味噌茄子. 才剛上桌,還有熱氣,看起來霧霧的.
     
     
    第二個是烤味噌茄子
     
     
    第三個是九層塔炒羊肉 (out of focus)
     
     
     
     
     以上 
     
    June 12

    轉載: Prof Jerome A. Cohen calls for Taiwan's legal scholars to speak out on law reforms 孔傑榮呼籲台灣法律學者為台灣司改盡力(出聲) (updated on 6/27)

    昨天注意到此文, 不過找不到原文.  現在找到了, 轉載如下. 中時有中文編譯, 有興趣者自行前往閱讀,僅摘錄中時最後兩段的翻譯並附於原文後以茲對照.
    標題我譯為: 孔傑榮呼籲台灣法律學者為台灣司改盡力(出聲)

     
    ---------

    An edited version of this text appears in Chinese (繁体中文版in the China Times (Taiwan) for June 11, 2009. This article is also published in the South China Morning Post (Hong Kong) for June 11, 2009.

    Anyone who cares about law and government has to be impressed by visiting Taiwan. Its democratically elected president and legislature, spurred by the interpretations of its independent Constitutional Court, have just ended the power of the police to imprison people without affording them the full protections of the newly revised judicial process.

    They have also incorporated the standards of the two major international human rights covenants into Taiwan’s domestic law. The government - in open court - is vigorously prosecuting the reportedly massive corruption of the previous administration.

    The long moribund Control Yuan, whose function is to ferret out official misconduct, has come to life, and Taiwan’s lawyers’ associations and civic groups continue to press for further improvements in criminal justice. The island’s free and hyperactive media, essential to the development of the rule of law, enjoy a field day reporting all this.

    Yet, surprisingly, a recent intense week in Taipei, spent mostly with legal scholars, left me a bit depressed. As usual in a healthy society, I heard many stimulating critiques of the current situation. Some friends claimed: that ex-president Chen Shui-bian, now a criminal defendant, is being unfairly confined to a miserable detention cell for many months, while others under investigation and indictment for corruption remain free; that the Kuomintang administration of President Ma Ying-jeou is zealously bringing corruption charges against politicians of the Democratic Progressive Party while ignoring the many instances of similar misconduct by KMT officials; that the judge who was ultimately put in charge of the trial of Chen and his family has repeatedly ruled arbitrarily against them; that the legislature failed to enact necessary criminal justice reforms; and so on.

    These allegations are troubling, of course. Yet, when I asked my academic friends why more of them - there are a few distinguished exceptions - did not speak out, publish essays and document their concerns, all too often I heard: “What good would it do? We can’t change anything. They won’t listen. Besides, we don’t want to be controversial. People will accuse us of `being too Green’ or sympathising with corruption.” Some seem to be too busy with important research, consulting work or family responsibilities. A few hinted at hopes for government appointments that might be thwarted by controversy.

    Such sentiments are understandable, especially in a busy, successful but bitterly divided political environment in which mutual trust and respect are in short supply. Yet Taiwan’s evolving democracy confronts multiple challenges and needs the benefit of all the expertise and wisdom that is available.

    It will be difficult to achieve optimum solutions to many major law reform issues without the informed, objective contributions of the island’s best minds. If many of them hold back, for whatever reason, if they fail to take advantage of their hard-earned freedoms to speak out, they put their society’s precious accomplishments at risk.

    If Taiwan’s law professors, legal scholars, social scientists and others with unique qualifications to promote public understanding keep silent, they actually exercise fewer freedoms than their counterparts on the repressive mainland, some of whom risk their physical safety, their careers and their family’s well-being by “speaking truth to power”.

    如果台灣的法學教授、法學家、社會學家,和其他具備特殊才幹而能夠促進公眾理解之士,持續沉默下去,他們實際上行使的自由,還比處在高壓中國政權下的知識分子更少。在這些知識分子當中,部分人甚至冒著他們人身安全、個人事業和家庭幸福的危險「向掌權者說真話 (speaking truth to power)」。

    As I listened to Taiwan law professors explain their aversion to the public arena, I thought of mainland friends who are paying dearly for having voiced opposition to dictatorial rule. Kidnappings, beatings, imprisonment, disbarment, loss of jobs, exile and harassment of their spouse and children plague activist academics, as well as lawyers. Yet some persist. Should Taiwan’s legal scholars sit on their hands and seal their mouths? What price private pursuits?

    當我聽著台灣法學教授解釋他們對於公共領域的反感時,我想到在中國大陸的朋友,他們因為表明對獨裁統治的反對而付出了沉重的代價。被綁架、毆打、監禁、喪失律師執業資格、失去工作、遭流放、其配偶和子女被騷擾,這一切的一切折磨著直言倡議的學者和律師。然而,始終有一些人堅定不移。

         台灣的法律學者難道應該袖手旁觀、莫不作聲?追求個人私利的代價到底有多大?

    -----

    6/27: a new link was added-- Lesson in Integrity for All

    June 11

    [轉載] 給馬總統的一封信 Open letter no. 4 (updated on 6/12 新增部分翻譯)

    大概生活安樂, 不想貼太嚴肅的新聞, 遲了好幾天才轉貼此文.

     

    除了對司法公正性與新聞自由的關切外, 此次也提到馬政府對EFCA一意孤行提出看法. 特別是新聞自由與人權觀注方面,除了自由之家的報告中臺灣排名退步外,這封信還提到最近的改民主廣場回中正紀念堂與景美人權紀念區改成文化園區都沒有任何正面幫助, 集會遊行法的修正也遭到批評.

    這是第四封公開信, 原來發表的時間是馬先生就職一年的"慶祝文", 原文在此.   
     

    第一封公開信 與 王清峰的回函

    第二封公開信王清峰的回函

    第三封 與 蘇俊賓的回信

    6/12 我真是後知後覺, 今天才發現有留言在友台. 這裡有中文版.
    ---------
    Thursday, May 21, 2009

    Dear President Ma,

    On the occasion of the first anniversary of your presidency, we, the undersigned, scholars and writers from the US, Canada, Europe and Australia, wish to publicly address our concerns to you about a number of trends in Taiwan, as well as several specific developments.

    We raise these issues as international supporters of Taiwan's democracy who care deeply about the country and its future as a free and democratic nation-state. As you recall, we voiced concerns on three previous occasions, most recently in a letter to you, Mr. President, dated Jan. 17, 2009, in which we expressed our concern regarding the fairness of the judicial system in Taiwan.
    (我們曾經發表三封公開信表達對台灣司法系統公正性的關切,包括最近的一封是給總統本人)


    These concerns have not been alleviated by either the response from Government Information Office Minister Su Jun-pin (蘇俊賓) or the cessation of troubling, flawed and partial judicial proceedings, in particular involving the case of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁).  (這些關切依舊,未曾因為新聞局的回函而有所釋疑, 有瑕疵且偏剖的司法程序依舊, 特別是關於陳水扁的案件)

    We reiterate that any alleged corruption must be investigated, but emphasize that the judicial process needs to be scrupulously fair and impartial
    . In the case of the former president, it is evident that the prosecution is heavily tainted by political bias, and that the former president is being treated badly out of spite for the political views and the positions he took during his presidency. Such retribution does not bode well for a young and fragile democracy, as Taiwan is. (貪污案件需要倍調查, 但是我們要重申: 司法程序必須公正不偏頗. 關於前總統的案件,檢察官很顯然被政治偏誤所影響, 而前總統也被不人道的對待. 這對於年輕的民主國家,如台灣,是非常不利的)

    The second issue that we feel we need to highlight is press freedom. In spite of earlier expressions of concern by international organizations such as the Committee to Protect Journalists and Freedom House, there continue to be reports of impingement on press freedom by your administration. A case in point is the recent disturbing report that Central News Agency staffs were instructed to write only "positive" stories about the policies of your administration, and that reports containing criticism of your administration or China were excised.

    As supporters of a free and democratic Taiwan it is disheartening to see that in the annual report on press freedom by the New York-based Freedom House, Taiwan dropped from 32nd to 43rd place. In addition, it is disconcerting to see reports that groups with close ties to China are buying their way into Taiwan's media circles, gaining a controlling voice in major publications such as the China Times. We need to remind ourselves that China is still an authoritarian state with a long history of control of the news media. Its financial influence in Taiwan's free press will in the long run be detrimental to hard-won freedoms.

    This leads us to a third general issue: the means by which rapprochement with China is being pursued. While most people in Taiwan and overseas agree that a reduction of tension in the Taiwan Strait is beneficial, it is crucial to do this in a manner befitting a democratic nation: with openness and full public debate. Only if there is sufficient transparency and true dialogue--both in the Legislative Yuan and in society as a whole--will the result be supported by a significant majority of the people.

    Transparency and true dialogue have been lacking in the process. Decisions and agreements are arrived at in secrecy and then simply announced to the public. The Legislative Yuan seems to have been sidelined, having little input in the form or content of the agreements, such as the proposed economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA). The administration simply sends to the legislature the texts agreed to in the negotiations with the People's Republic of China, allowing virtually no possibility of discussion of the pros and cons of such agreements. This undermines the system of checks and balances, which is so essential to a mature democracy. We may mention that recent opinion polls show overwhelming support for a referendum on an ECFA and for better legislative oversight of China policy.
     
    (這段主要在批評馬政府執意簽署EFCA, 但這決策過程中缺乏透明的資訊與真正的對話,也沒有辦法討論簽訂的得失)

    Mr. President, as international scholars and writers who have followed Taiwan¡¯s impressive transition to democracy during the past two decades, we know the sensitivity in Taiwan of the issue of relations with China. Rapprochement needs to be carried out in a way that ensures that the achievements of the democratic movement are safeguarded, that the political divide within Taiwan is reduced and that Taiwan's sovereignty, human rights and democracy are protected and strengthened.

    However, during the past year we have seen that the policies of your administration are being implemented in a way that is causing deep anxiety, particularly among many who fought for Taiwan's democracy two decades ago. This was evident in the large-scale rallies held in Taipei and Kaohsiung on Sunday.

    We have also seen a further polarization in society due to the lack of transparency and democratic checks and balances. Many observers believe that the rapprochement with China has occurred at the expense of Taiwan's sovereignty, democracy and freedoms. To some, the judicial practices and police behavior toward those who criticize your policies are even reminiscent of the dark days of martial law.

    In this respect, symbols are important. It does not help that your administration has renamed National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall in Taipei back to Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall. It doesn't bolster your case that the funding for the Chingmei Human Rights Memorial in Sindian (新店) has been cut drastically and that the location is being turned into a "cultural" park. It doesn't help that changes are being made to the Assembly and Parade Act (集會遊行法) that infringe on freedoms of protesters instead of enhancing freedom of speech. (將民主廣場改回中正紀念堂或是將景美人權紀念區改成文化公園都沒有幫助. 集會遊行法的修正也沒有任何幫助)

    Mr. President, we appeal to you to take measures that alleviate these concerns. A first step would be to initiate and implement reforms in the judicial system that safeguard the human rights of the accused and ensure a fair trial. A second step would be to guarantee complete press freedom, and instill in those engaged in the media the determination to live up to the highest standards.

    Thirdly, rapprochement with China needs to be brought about in such a way that the people of Taiwan have a full say in determining their future as a free and democratic nation. Closed-door deals that bring Taiwan increasingly into China's sphere of influence are detrimental to Taiwan's future and undermine the democratic fabric of society.

    Due to its complex history, Taiwan has not had the opportunity to be accepted as a full and equal member of the international family of nations. We believe the people of Taiwan have worked hard for their democracy, and that the international community should accept Taiwan in its midst. Your actions and policies can help the island and its people move in the right direction. We urge you to do so.

    Respectfully yours,

    NAT BELLOCCHI, Former chairman, American Institute in Taiwan

    COEN BLAAUW, Formosan Association for Public Affairs, Washington

    STšŠPHANE CORCUFF, Associate Professor of Political Science, China and Taiwan Studies, University of Lyon

    GORDON G. CHANG, Author, The Coming Collapse of China

    JUNE TEUFEL DREYER, Professor of Political Science, University of Miami

    MICHAEL DANIELSEN, Chairman, Taiwan Corner, Copenhagen, Denmark

    TERRI GILES, Executive Director, Formosa Foundation, Los Angeles

    BRUCE JACOBS, Professor of Asian Languages and Studies, Monash University

    RICHARD C. KAGAN, Professor Emeritus of History, Hamline University

    JEROME F. KEATING, Author and associate professor (ret.), National Taipei University

    DAVID KILGOUR, Former Canadian member of parliament and secretary of state for the Asia-Pacific

    LIU SHIH-CHUNG, Visiting Fellow, The Brookings Institution, Washington

    MICHAEL RAND HOARE, Emeritus Reader at the University of London, Great Britain

    VICTOR H. MAIR, Professor of Chinese Language and Literature, University of Pennsylvania

    DONALD RODGERS, Associate Professor of Political Science, Austin College

    TERENCE RUSSELL, Associate Professor of Chinese Language and Literature, University of Manitoba

    CHRISTIAN SCHAFFERER, Associate Professor, Department of International Trade, Overseas Chinese Institute of Technology; and Editor, Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia

    MICHAEL STAINTON, York Center for Asia Research, Toronto, Canada

    PETER CHOW, Professor of Economics, City College of New York

    PETER TAGUE, Professor of Law, Georgetown University

    JOHN J. TKACIK JR. , Former senior research fellow, The Heritage Foundation, Washington

    ARTHUR WALDRON, Lauder Professor of International Relations, University of Pennsylvania

    VINCENT WEI-CHENG WANG, Professor of Political Science, University of Richmond

    GERRIT VAN DER WEES, Editor, Taiwan CommuniqušŠ

    MICHAEL YAHUDA, Professor Emeritus, London School of Economics, and Visiting Scholar, George Washington University

    STEPHEN YATES, President, DC Asia Advisory, and former deputy assistant to the US vice president for national security affairs
     
    ----------
    extended reading:
     

    June 10

    聽明尼蘇達管絃樂Minnesota Orchestra的感想

    週日的時候DG和我去聽了明尼蘇達管絃樂(MOA)的演出.
     
    在這裡三年,從來沒有動力去聽這裡的樂團,也從來沒進去過Minneapolis的市區, St Paul市區倒是進去過好多次,這可能和我比較喜歡St Paul有關吧?  沒有動力去聽MOA的原因是主要是音樂上的考量, 如果有什麼名牌是我迷信的, 音樂大概是唯一.  其次才是沒有伴,缺乏動力. 
     
    某天DG突然收到一個廣告信,說是10元可以換兩張票, 問我想聽哪一場, 我才仔細看了一下,選了這一場. 演出的曲目有四首:
    1) In autumn woods a traveler, composed by Michael Gatonska
    2) Concerto No. 3 for Pianon and Orchestra, by Tchaikovsky (柴高夫斯基的三號鋼琴協奏曲)
    3) Concerto No. 1 for Piano and Orchestra, by Mendelssohn (孟德爾頌的一號鋼琴)
    4) Picture at an Exhibition, by Murssorgsky穆索斯基的展覽會之畫
     
     
    因為從來沒到過市區, 拿到票之後我們到處晃. 拍了不少照片(見相本).  連音樂廳本身都不放過. 簡單講一下感想.
     
    關於建築本身, 從外面看來很新潮,
     
    外面還有很大的open area有噴泉, 
     
     
    咖啡座椅等等.
     
    音樂廳裡面的格局感覺非常零碎,
     
    而且我從來沒有去過哪個音樂廳的食物飲料販賣部如此接近演奏廳本身, 下面的照片牆壁另一側就是演奏廳了. 大廳裡一堆人在吃東西或喝酒, 很特別的經驗
     
     
    節目開始芬蘭籍的指揮家(Osmo Vanska)先講了幾句話, 這也是我沒經驗過的. 因為MOA將現場錄音柴氏3號,指揮特別交代觀眾可以的話不要咳嗽或講話. 雖然我提過我想得出來的遺臭萬年莫過於此,但我認為這本是基本禮儀, 不需特別著墨. 不過,後來DG還發現手冊上竟然寫說有提供免費咳嗽藥, 真是令我大開眼界啊? 難到這裡的觀眾常抱病去聽以至於MOA需要提供藥品? 
     
    簡單講一下感想:
    1) 我們選擇的算是大編製的曲目, 因此台上非常熱鬧,氣氛也很歡愉. 不過這裡的觀眾真的是很"特別",每首曲子結束都要站起來鼓掌, 熱情異常, 但是到最後卻沒人喊安可.
    2) 第一首是我們不熟析的.事實上那是首蠻現代的曲目. 雖然也是大編製, 感覺上只是把一堆聲音和樂器堆積在一起, 可能和我們習慣的"classic"音樂不同有關,我們並沒有特別喜歡這首
    3) 鋼琴家的頭髮很有趣: 從他走進場開始就發現他的頭髮會上下波動. 彈到曲目激動處也是.
    4) 難得看到豎琴還有一堆銅管樂器, 甚至有鈸,非常熱鬧
    5) 坐在首席後面的提琴手一直抖腳,非常annoyingAngry. 我本來都沒發現的(因為專注在看鋼琴家),是DG指給我看說她的抖腳很不協調,果然...講清楚點: 她拉琴時候沒有抖(不能抖啦,因為拍子故), 但在待命的時候就一直抖,不是跟拍子走的,就只是很讓人討厭的抖腳壞習慣
    6) 指揮很激動. 有些小節我看他快要跳起來的樣子. 很像交響情人夢裡的某人.
    7) 鋼琴獨奏的部份還算中規中舉,不過有些小節過於連音,感覺上不是把每個音符都彈的很清楚. 我比較喜歡每個音符都被彈的很乾淨但又很綿密, 而不是不必要的連音(有些人還會踩太多踏板.) 這是個人偏好.
     
    欣賞完畢之後我們順便逛了一下市區的, 有些建築很有意思,都放在相本裡.  
    June 06

    鮮蝦雲吞: 第一批收成的結果之一

    之前講過,我非常討厭香菜的味道. 在台灣吃羹的時候我都會交代老闆不要放香菜,萬一有老闆忘記放了香菜,我會一根根挑出才開始吃羹. 不小心吃到漏網之魚我也會把它吐出來.  我喜歡吃辣,川菜裡也會用到香菜,但即使有辣味,對我來講還是無法掩蓋香菜噁心的味道. 在菜園裡自己長出來的香菜是被我當驅蟲用的, 因為香菜還有茴香有強烈的氣味故.  因為不喜歡香菜的味道, 連把它拔除都不想, 因為這樣手上會有香菜味,會讓我覺得很噁心. 就因為如此, 去年田裡自己長的香菜我一直不理不睬,任憑它開花結果,風一吹,果(種子)掉滿地於是今年才又自己冒出一堆.
     
    這樣知道我厭惡香菜的程度了吧? 
     
    香菜因此一直是我的拒絕往來物, 直到上次在密西根去朋友家. 朋友常常找我們去她們家裡吃飯聊天. 某次去的早,問她有什麼可以幫忙的. 她要我們幫忙包鮮蝦雲吞. 當時我看到香菜是內餡材料之一,想說包完要嘛不吃要嘛把香菜挑出來就是了.
     
    出乎意料的, 一口咬下去竟然沒有對我來說噁心的香菜味,反而把蝦子的鮮味提出來.  於是這次菜園裡自己長出來的香菜終於有了驅蟲外的第二個功能: 包雲吞. 
     
    內餡的材料: 絞肉,蝦仁(像我們沒買到蝦仁,只好買蝦子自己來去殼去蝦砂),薑少許,香菜少許.
    調味料:麻油, 胡椒, 米酒(主要是美國豬肉很臭), 醬油少許(也是因為美國豬肉很臭),與糖少許(以免醬油而"死鹹")
     
    這是下鍋前的樣子
     
     
    先煮幾顆來吃吃
      連同菜園裡收成的芥菜來煮湯. 前面這碗有香菜末在湯裡的是DG的.後面那碗沒有香菜末的是我的.
     
     
    咬開來的樣子
     
     
    昨天一共包了快70顆雲吞. 之前茴香餃子也包了60顆左右.這下有戰備存糧了!
    June 04

    09年菜園: 第一批收成

    過了一個多月, 菜園裡陸續有些菜可以收成.  首先來比較一下一個多月來的變化:
     
    這是五月中照的,從門口往圍籬拍
     
     
    過了三週後昨天拍的.從圍籬往門口拍. 最近鏡頭處的小黃瓜,南瓜類還有哈密瓜都發芽了
     
     
    前兩天採收的茴香包成餃子. 菜園里茴香實在太多了,分送他人加上自己採收都還是來不及它長的速度. 園子裡的茴香多到我們被稱為茴香夫婦,真是Orz.
     
    再來是自己長出來的芥菜. 因為是自己長的, 根本搞不清楚是什麼. 只知道不是雜草, 突然發現竟然大到有刺了,趕緊採下來吃
     
    再來是農友給我們的菠菜.
     
    然後是香菜(和一些茴香啦). 我不喜歡香菜,我管它叫臭菜. 打算週末買了雲吞皮和蝦子來包雲吞. 這是我唯一能接受的香菜吃法.
     
    最後是一些生菜.這些生菜葉子太大遮到旁邊生菜的生長空間,今天索性都把它們採收了.
     
    其他照片見相本
    June 03

    in memory of 6-4 紀念六四(revised): Twitter service blocked in China, Users Say

    四月底的時候中國政府全面封鎖Plurk, 那時候我寫了一篇很短的網誌,提到說下一個被合諧掉的也許是twitter.

    現在,快要六四了, 中國的Twitter使用者說無法登入twitter. 純屬時機巧合? 應該不是. Times 的報導下的標題是:

    Chinese censors cut off Twitter, Hotmail and Flickr



    僅轉載此文以紀念六四.
     
     
    -------
    Twitter Service Blocked in China, Users Say

    June 03, 2009
    By SKY CANAVES and JESSICA E. VASCELLARO ,WSJ

    Twitter Inc. users across China reported that the popular networking service appeared to be blocked Tuesday, two days ahead of the sensitive 20th anniversary of the military crackdown on pro-democracy protesters at Tiananmen Square.

    If the site is being blocked by government censors, as many users suspect, it would mark the first time that Twitter has been widely inaccessible to users in China.

    The so-called microblogging service, which garnered attention domestically during the immediate aftermath of last year's earthquake in Sichuan, hasn't previously been subject to restrictions in China. As a result, a number of prominent Chinese activists use Twitter regularly, either under their own names or using aliases.

    Still, it's often difficult to tell whether a Web site has been purposely blocked by Chinese authorities, if other technical problems are to blame, or if services are blocked only in certain areas.

    Officials at the State Administration of Radio, Film and Television, China's main media regulator, couldn't be reached late Tuesday, when word of the outages first spread. Chinese regulators in the past have declined to comment on potential stoppages.

    A Twitter spokeswoman didn't have an immediate comment and couldn't confirm whether the service was blocked in China.

    Sites that include large amounts of user-generated content are intermittently unavailable to users in China, especially around important government meetings or anniversaries. YouTube, Google Inc.'s video-sharing site, has been blocked for several weeks in China and remains so, a Google spokesman said Tuesday.

    Some users said it was still possible to use Twitter through certain software applications, such as Seesmic, that allow users to send and receive messages without directly using the Twitter.com Web site. But users trying to access their Twitter accounts through other programs said they encountered problems. Fanfou.com, a popular domestic site that is similar to Twitter, appeared to be functioning normally on Tuesday.

    Twitter has given the Internet-savvy in China another new platform to voice complaints and race ahead of state-controlled news media platforms. The development of Internet channels has pressured the government to respond to news faster.

    Also Tuesday, a magazine published by the official Xinhua news service called on local governments to respond more quickly and develop a greater online presence to respond to popular online movements.

    The Chinese government considers the 1989 pro-democracy protests to have been a counterrevolutionary riot, and further discussion of them remains taboo. The police presence around Tiananmen Square has increased, and on Tuesday the Foreign Correspondents Club of China issued a statement protesting restrictions on journalists attempting to cover the anniversary.

    In recent weeks, activist groups have reported a tightening of security in China, linking it to the coming anniversary. Human Rights in China, based in New York, said that authorities detained Wu Gaoxing, a free-lance writer from Taizhou in Zhejiang province, who co-wrote an open letter to China's top leaders recently asking for equal rights and social security for ex-Tiananmen Square prisoners. China's Ministry of Public Security deferred requests for comment to Taizhou's local public security bureau, which declined to answer any questions.

    Word of Twitter's outage became a popular subject on the service's site Tuesday. A number of users adopted an obscene variant of a hash tag derived from the acronym for the Great Firewall, the nickname for China's Internet censorship efforts. Hash tags are used on Twitter to mark and link to similar posts.—Loretta Chao in Beijing contributed to this article.

    Write to Sky Canaves at sky.canaves@wsj.com and Jessica E. Vascellaro at jessica.vascellaro@wsj.com Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page A4
    June 02

    [轉載]G.M. to Seek Bankruptcy and a New Start (revised)

    今天(美國時間6/1) 有個很重要的新聞是通用汽車在美國政府主導下申請破產保護.  與此相關的,GM與花旗集團也被道瓊指數除名,取代的指標股是思科與Travelers. 
     
    我個人轉貼這則新聞有一些原因, 第一當然是GM在美國象徵的意義不同. 第二是汽車業是我研究興趣之ㄧ, 第三是這個案例映證一些歐巴馬當選後我紀錄的一些個人"預言". 第四,美國工會盛行這種事情說好聽是保障勞工,講難聽是生吃都不夠了還能曬成乾嗎? 當買一部車子的錢有20%或是更高其實是去幫這些勞工或是退休勞工買健保, 不知道身為消費者的你是否還會願意繼續去購買這家的車子?還是轉往其他車廠? 在延伸閱讀裡的Mean street一篇提到: But the UAW is not an ordinary shareholder. In fact, the current UAW members are not even going to end up as direct shareholders — it’s the healthcare trust of the UAW retirees. 而現有的一些學術研究也很諷刺的常把一個公司是否有工會組織拿來當作生產效率低或高的proxy: 有則低,無則高.
     
    回到個人的一些感言. 之前有朋友對我說: 好啦! 不幸被你預言說中啦,算你厲害好吧?!.  其實不是, 我的感言本來就是基於兩政黨對美國資本主義的信仰(或不信仰)與美國政治意識的觀察.  除非美國兩大黨基本政策有重大改變,否則這些觀察十之八九都可以事先被猜到,至少方向上如此.
     
    現在, 我對整件事最大的感想:一個資本主義最發達的國家下最具象徵意義的企業竟然走到類似國營企業的地步. 真是非常諷刺. 
     
    歐巴馬對美國政府成為GM最大股東(60%)有發表談話, CNN有即時轉播,等我找到了聯結再加進來. [6/2 updated: 歐巴馬的講詞在此Obama's address on this]
     
    非常有趣的文章. (updated on 6/2)另外有一篇和汽車業發展有關的(What I Learned as a Car Czar: History shows government and automobile manufacturing don't mix.),我把它與個人簡短感言放在. 台灣政府一度也極力扶植汽車業(現在我不確定),可以借鏡.
    -------------
    Published: May 31, 2009
     
     

    WASHINGTON — President Obama will push General Motors into bankruptcy protection on Monday, making a risky bet that by temporarily nationalizing the onetime icon of American capitalism, he can save at least a diminished automaker that is competitive.

    The bankruptcy is a moment of reckoning for an industry that was once at the heart of the American economy. The process began early Monday with a bankruptcy filing by a G.M. affiliate, a dealership in New York City, which described the automaker as “a debtor in possession under Chapter 11.”

    The move by a New York affiliate will enable G.M. itself to file its own bankruptcy petition in New York. It was expected to do so shortly, along with dozens of related companies.

    G.M.’s bankruptcy petition culminates a remarkable four months of confrontation between Washington and Detroit that is expected to result in a drastic downsizing of the company.

    It also places the government in uncharted territory as a business owner, as it takes a 60 percent ownership stake in the company during its restructuring.

    Reflecting the government’s extraordinary intervention in industry, aides say, Mr. Obama plans to tell the nation on Monday that he believes G.M. can be brought back from the brink of insolvency, even if the company looks almost nothing like the titan of old.

    Meanwhile, a federal judge late Sunday night cleared a path for Chrysler to get out of bankruptcy by approving a sale of most of that carmaker’s assets to a new entity to be run by Fiat of Italy.

    Administration officials briefed reporters on the G.M. plans Sunday night, as President Obama began to inform members of Congress. But the White House insisted that the aides who talked to reporters could not be named.

    In his remarks on Monday, Mr. Obama will spell out a strategy in which a shrunken G.M. can make money even if new car sales remain at a sluggish 10 million a year in the United States and even if G.M., once the giant of the industry, drops below its current 20 percent market share in this country.

    But to get there, American taxpayers will invest an additional $30 billion in the company, atop $20 billion already spent just to keep it solvent as the company bled cash as quickly as Washington could inject it. Whether that investment will ever be recovered is still an open question.

    The company will also have to shed 21,000 union workers and close 12 to 20 factories, steps that most analysts thought could never be pushed through by a Democratic president allied with organized labor.

    Forty percent of the company’s 6,000 dealers will close, the workers’ union will be forced to finance half of its $20 billion health care fund with stock of uncertain value in the restructured G.M., and bondholders, including many retirees, will be forced to take stock worth 10 cents for every dollar they lent the company.

    The company’s last steps toward bankruptcy took place over the weekend as a majority of G.M. bondholders agreed not to challenge the filing in court and to exchange their debt for stock.

    Lawrence H. Summers, who as head of the National Economic Council serves as one of the co-heads of the auto task force, argued in an interview on Sunday that the bailout of the auto industry was fundamentally different from the Mexican bailout in 1994, the Asian economic crisis in the late 1990s, and the continuing banking crisis.

    General Motors and Chrysler, he said, were “clear cases of insolvency,” in which mere loans would not accomplish the goal of getting the automakers past a temporary crisis. “There was no argument that they were solvent, no argument they could meet their obligations.”

    He said that left the Obama administration to decide whether to allow “a laissez-faire, uncontrolled bankruptcy, which would have had an enormous cost,” or a “controlled process,” in which the goal was to make sure that the auto companies not only restructured, but were not overburdened with debt. So, in return for what amounted to debtor-in-possession financing, Mr. Obama chose to accept equity in the new company — while insisting that he had no intention of exercising day-to-day control over the company.

    “It’s a fine line,” Mr. Summers said, “but we think it is manageable.”

    To assist in the restructuring, the automaker is expected to hire the consulting firm Alix Partners, which has worked on several major bankruptcies, including those for Enron and Kmart. One of the firm’s partners, Al Koch, is expected to manage the liquidation of corporate assets that G.M. will shed during its Chapter 11 restructuring, people with knowledge of the strategy said.

    Mr. Obama is taking several risks under the plan. None may be bigger than the decision that the United States government will take its 60 percent share of the stock in a new G.M., leaving taxpayers vulnerable if the overhaul is not successful. (Canada, for its part, is taking a 12 percent stake.)

    We don’t think that after this next $30 billion, they will need more money,” one administration official said. “But the fact is there are things you don’t know — like when the car market will come back, and how much Toyota and Honda and Volkswagen will benefit from the chaos.”

    On Monday, Mr. Obama is expected to argue that any alternative to his plan would be worse, and that a liquidation of G.M. the only other real option — would send the unemployment rate soaring over 10 percent and would radiate damage throughout the economy.

    But aware of the hardships the plan will impose on regions across the country that depend on auto production, the White House is dispatching a dozen Cabinet members and other officials across four states this week to reassure residents.

    Aides say Mr. Obama will portray himself on Monday as a reluctant shareholder, eager to sell the company back to private investors, perhaps within 6 to 18 months.

    Officials say the president will insist that once the government sets up new management and a board of directors, it will remove itself from G.M.’s day-to-day operations. But even his aides anticipate intense pressure as the company’s managers are called to testify in Congress and face questions like why they decided to build new cars in Mexico and South Korea, rather than in Michigan or the South.

    “Congress and many Americans are going to say, if we own it, why can’t we make these decisions?” one of Mr. Obama’s top economic aides said, “and it’s going to be a challenge to answer that.”

    To ease the way, the White House on Sunday briefed reporters on a new set of principles for how the government should behave as a majority shareholder. It argued that the government’s role should be limited primarily to the beginning of the process, but that it should then recede, becoming a passive investor, one seeking to sell its stake quickly.

    At the same time, Mr. Obama has laid out goals for all the Detroit automakers that will presumably affect their major strategic decisions. He has urged them, for example, to build smaller cars with significantly better fuel efficiency.

    Six months ago, even the suggestion of such deep intervention into G.M.’s operations would have raised huge objections. But by the time the denouement came, the company seemed almost relieved. Robert Lutz, G.M.’s vice chairman, said that “for the first time in our history, the American auto industry has the ear of the administration. Their number one goal is to make us successful.”

    Nonetheless, Michael Useem, a professor of management at the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania, said the decision would “mean a new chapter in the history books on American capitalism.” He added, “How we think about American free enterprise is really hanging in the balance.”

    For Mr. Obama, whose ascent to the White House depended on carrying states across the industrial Midwest, the political risk is significant.

    The G.M. bankruptcy will ripple across several states where hundreds of parts suppliers and car dealerships face imminent closings.

    Indeed, the four states where Cabinet secretaries are focusing their efforts this week — Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin — all were carried by Mr. Obama last November. It was the first time Indiana has supported a Democratic presidential candidate in 44 years.

    These Main Street political challenges will almost certainly be an issue for Democrats on the ballot in next year’s midterm election campaign and in the president’s own re-election effort in 2012. If those jobs shift to nonunion plants in the South, where German and Japanese carmakers have built their facilities, or overseas, Mr. Obama could face criticism inside his own party.

    “It is unacceptable to ask U.S. workers to subsidize the exportation of their own jobs,” said Representative Dennis Kucinich, Democrat of Ohio, whose district includes Cleveland. “The taxpayers’ investment should be used to protect American plants so that American workers can build the next generation of automobiles.”

    In his presidential campaign speeches last year, often delivered in the shadow of closed manufacturing plants, Mr. Obama bluntly conceded that most of the jobs would not come back. Instead, his administration is pointing to investments that the economic recovery act will make in communities.

    Rob McNabney, chairman of the Madison County Democratic Party in Anderson, Ind., a onetime booming automotive center, said the problems for Mr. Obama were severe. “He’s going to be judged by what he does,” Mr. McNabney said.

     

    -------

    延伸閱讀:

    G.M.’s Road From Prosperity to Crisis

    Mean Street: Why GM Can’t Be Saved (特別是前幾段: ....

    And it shows that while Mr. Obama may promise a new General Motors, you, the American taxpayer, are getting stuck with the old UAW as your partner. 

    Consider the following. You will soon own 70% of a reconstituted GM at a cost of somewhere on the order of $75 billion. (Not including the GMAC bailout. That will run you another $25 billion)

    GM Collapses into Government's Arms :  Quote from the artilce -- " I, as a longtime owner of GM products, will not buy anything from GM as long as this intrusive government has its fingers in the mix.