沒想到還有part 2可以寫,果然沒營養 . 話說回來,本版除了美食外,大概都沒啥營養吧?

話說去程的飛機,因為不想再像上次那樣狂奔,早早就到機場. 在輕軌上遇到查票. 也許現在景氣差,想賭運氣而逃票的人多, 查票也查的很勤. 這得先說查票的方式, 如果是儲值卡,警察拿特殊手機讀卡,就會知道上次刷卡時間,就知道有沒有人是搭霸王車了.  話說警察又來查票, 結果這車廂裡果然就有個人逃票被抓. 這個人的儲值卡餘額是負的, 但是他老神在在跟警察說他有刷卡啊!只是是error. 警察就要他的身分證件,透過無線電,根據卡號查到他從某月某日起儲值卡就是負的了, 所以就給他一個warning.  在警察等待總部(?)回報結果的時候,還先呼叫其他兩個警察來支援. 頓時車廂有肅然的感覺. 我有點怕萬一查出這個人其實是個通緝犯呢? 所以一直往門口靠近,隨時準備脫身.  年紀大果然怕死啊

到了機場, 看著人來人往,沒想到竟然看到最不想見到的人之一,對,就是那個小氣老師. 說來我還真常跟他搭同班飛機啊! 後來E終於來了. (每次去參加研討會,我大部分都是和E搭同班機,一起分攤旅館與車資.) 我把這個不幸的消息告訴E,E說:沒關係,我已經約了另一個交換學生,他會和我們一起搭計程車,就可以和小氣老師說: 行李放不下.  呵,上次我們只是決定不和小氣老師吃飯, 現在是連一起搭車都不想了啊!

反正後來又陸續看到一些熟人,大抵就是系上老師. 回程也是,又是一堆人搭同班飛機.  我突然想起以前上班時公司的某規定: 不能有超過7名員工搭乘同班飛機,因為怕萬一飛機出問題, 公司一下子損失太大.  這個規定, 老實說我本來不以為意, 但是親身經歷過新航SQ6 crash之後就深深體會到這個規定的重要性與前瞻性. 話說SQ 6失事隔天我收到兩通電話,都是公司人事部門(新加坡人事與台灣人事)打來確定在那班飛機上的兩個員工(含我)都平安無事. 相對的,摩托羅拉在那班飛機上就損失很多中高級組管,挺慘的[1].  (啊!又扯遠了啦)

回程我又被昇等到頭等艙,所以有晚餐可用. 不過我卻豬頭的,生平第一次把檔案夾留在飛機上, 包含要請款用的收據. 結果就是回來隔天打一堆電話要收據的要收據,找lost and found的找lost and found. 搞得自己好累

不過相對起來,朋友Charles的遭遇更好笑,應該是更悽慘啦!來回都delay, 去程時候的delay原因竟然是廁所(full of shit)壞掉而不可以使用.登機前還被先要求要去上廁所. 改天叫他寫一篇讓大家來笑笑好了.  

[1] SQ6遭遇請參考此篇的留言

這是無國界記者組織（ＲＳＦ）公布的二○○九年新聞自由指標,繼美國自由之家之後,RSF公佈的指標有同樣的結果:台灣媒體自由大副下降,主因是政治干預與示威者攻擊記者所致(The new ruling party in Taiwan tried to interfere in state and privately-owned media while violence by certain activists further undermined press freedom.).台灣從36退步到59名.

以下原文轉載:

Asia

Authoritarianism prevents press freedom progress in much of AsiaFiji falls furthest, but big advance by Maldives

Political power grabs dealt press freedom a great disservice again this year. A military coup caused Fiji (152nd) to fall 73 places. Soldiers moved into Fijian news rooms for several weeks and censored articles before they were published, while foreign journalists were deported. In Thailand, the endless clashes between “yellow shirts” and “red shirts” had a very negative impact on the press’s ability to work. As a result, the kingdom is now 130th.

The authoritarianism of existing governments, for example in Sri Lanka (162nd) and Malaysia (131st), prevented journalists from properly covering sensitive subjects such as corruption or human rights abuses. The Sri Lankan government had a journalist sentenced to 20 years in prison and forced dozens of others to flee the country. In Malaysia, the interior ministry imposed censorship or self-censorship by threatening media with the withdrawal of their licence or threatening journalists with a spell in prison.

War and terrorism wrought havoc and exposed journalists to great danger. Afghanistan (149th) is sapped not only by Taliban violence and death threats, but also by unjustified arrests by the security forces. Despite having dynamic news media, Pakistan (159th) is crippled by murders of journalists and the aggressiveness of both the Taliban and sectors of the military. It shared (with Somalia) the world record for journalists killed during the period under review.

The Asian countries that least respected press freedom were, predictably, North Korea, one of the “infernal trio” at the bottom of the rankings, Burma, which still suffers from prior censorship and imprisonment, and Laos, an unchanging dictatorship where no privately-owned media are permitted.

The media in China (168th) are evolving rapidly along with the rest of the country but it continues to have a very poor ranking because of the frequency of imprisonment, especially in Tibet, Internet censorship and the nepotism of the central and provincial authorities. Similarly in Vietnam (166th), the ruling Communist Party targets journalists, bloggers and press freedom activists over what they write about its concessions to China.

In the good news section, Maldives (51st) climbed 53 places thanks to a successful democratic transition while Bhutan (70th) rose another four places thanks to further efforts in favour of media diversity.

Asia’s few democracies are well placed in the rankings. New Zealand (13th), Australia (16th) and Japan (17th) are all in the top 20. Respect for press freedom and the lack of targeted violence against journalists enable these three countries to be regional leaders.

South Korea (69th) and Taiwan (59th) fell far this year. South Korea plummeted 22 places because of the arrests of several journalists and bloggers and the conservative government’s attempts to control critical media. The new ruling party in Taiwan tried to interfere in state and privately-owned media while violence by certain activists further undermined press freedom.

Two Asian countries were included in the index for the first time: Papua New Guinea (56th), which obtained a very respectable ranking for a developing country, and the Sultanate of Brunei (155th), which came in the bottom third because of the absence of an independent press.

[版主按] 這篇在中時其實有完整中譯,我在下面的英文連結裡也有提供. 但是,台灣一些媒體過去有多次誤譯的現象(蓄意否不清),我寧可中英對照讓讀者自己去評斷. 又,致於特定媒體亂凹,之前稍微討論過,但不是本文重點,就不重複了,有興趣者見下面的延伸閱讀.

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"What I had actually criticized was not the Taiwan government’s decision to ban Ms.Kadeer’s visit but the explanation offered by Interior Minister Jiang Yi-Huah. ...............It had simply noted that the timing of the visit was “inappropriate,” the unspoken but understood premise being that the visit would strain the sensitive new effort at cross-strait reconciliation. Whether or not one agreed with that decision, the explanation given was honest, respectful of audiences in both Taiwan and abroad, and not harmful to anyone.

Minister Jiang’s explanation, by contrast, linked Ms. Kadeer to terrorism. At least at this juncture, that accusation seems inaccurate and unfair. It echoed Beijing’s as yet unproven claims rather than the conclusions of many democratic governments "

[後文提到每個國家都有發許入境許可的一些限制. 例如美國基於一個中國政策, 通常不許可台灣高層訪美]我批評的是內政部長禁止熱比婭訪台所提出的解釋. 台灣政府大可以援用前例(指達賴於去年底欲訪台一事),簡單表示"目前時機不宜". 不管你喜歡這個緣由,時機不宜的理由是誠實的,且尊重台灣與國外人士, 也不會傷害到任何人.

然而江宜樺的說詞,相反的把熱比婭與恐怖份子扯上關連. 至少在這個節骨眼,這個指控不實且不公平--他只是呼應了北京未經求證的說法,而不是其他許多民主國家的共識. (孔傑榮)

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IS FOREIGN CRITICISM HELPFUL?

Oct 14th, 2009 | By USAsialawNYU | Category: Jerome A. Cohen's Blog

HONG KONG — Taiwan’s position as a de facto independent state seems to be morphing very slowly toward the “one country, two systems” status of Hong Kong. The process is not irreversible but the sentiments of those of mainland origin in the governing Nationalist Party, along with the self-interest of business groups and a widespread sense of economic vulnerability are all pushing the island toward accommodation with Beijing.

The trend could mean an erosion in the support Taiwan gets, albeit erratically, from the United States and Japan.

The most striking evidence of a desire to please Beijing — at the expense of the liberal values which have gained Taiwan much praise in recent years — was the denial of entry to the exiled Uighur leader Rebiya Kadeer. This was done in the name of “national interest,” apparently linked to the finalization, expected soon, of a memorandum of understanding on cross-strait financial links.

For sure, the memorandum would be a major advance, enabling banks in particular to escape the confines of Taiwan, with its low growth and surplus savings, for the fast-growing mainland. And it would bring more mainland capital to local stocks and property. But the government of President Ma Ying-jeou may have forgotten that Taiwan’s national interest as an independent state, albeit one that may one day merge with the mainland, sometimes requires sacrifices. The degree of autonomy that Rebiya Kadeer has been seeking for Uighurs is a fraction of that enjoyed by Taiwan or even Hong Kong.

There is real benefit in increasing cross-straits financial links. Banks have much to gain by being able to service clients in Taiwan with business on the mainland. Cross-straits links may attract service industries to Taiwan that would otherwise go to Hong Kong. Mainland tourism is also an unqualified plus.

But Taiwan seems to be talking itself into believing that it is even more dependent on the mainland than need be the case. The island would be a more attractive place for foreign business if it removed the many restrictions that exist to protect local businesses, or stem simply from bureaucracy and outdated rules. Tax issues also tend to keep business offshore while not preventing a huge outflow of capital. The Ma government has made progress on these issues, but they get scant attention compared to cross-straits ones.

It is easy to blame a lackluster economy on being unable to take full advantage of the mainland. But in reality, Taiwan is a mature economy with minimal growth in its work force. Like Japan, its problems lie with an inefficient domestic services sector, not with an inventive export-manufacturing one.

Dependence on China is often overstated. While 40 percent of Taiwan’s exports go there, more than half are components for globally traded items like laptops and cellphones made by Taiwanese companies and then re-exported from China. The dependence is self-imposed for profit reasons, which may be shifting as mainland costs rise. There are alternatives.

Worrying too for friends of Taiwan’s liberal democracy is the vengeance being meted out to the opposition by powerful supporters of the governing Nationalist Party, or KMT. Former president Chen Shui-bian was found guilty of corruption and his conduct has left the opposition Democratic Progressive Party demoralized and frustrated. But given the pervasiveness of money politics and the past reputation of the Nationalists for corruption, the life sentence for Chen is extreme. Now, in the name of fighting corruption, there is talk of a witch-hunt against other members of the Chen administration. To some this smacks of an attempt by pro-unification elements to please Beijing by demonizing Chen, who supported independence and who suffered much in the cause of breaking the KMT’s authoritarian hold on power.

None of this is likely to help Taiwan’s relations with its main supporter, the United States. Chen upset a natural ally in George W. Bush by needlessly provoking Beijing in an attempt to score political points at home. Now the KMT seems to have gone to the other extreme. Taiwan has long disappointed Washington with unwillingness to spend money on arms. Now it may sense a lack of willingness to pay an economic price for the principles of independence and liberalism it claims to stand for. President Ma remains well-regarded abroad, but his grip on the KMT is uncertain. Taiwan lacks a strategic view of itself and how to balance relations with the Chinese mainland, the United States and the global economy with liberal democracy and de facto independence.